OMNI WAR WATCH WEDNESDAYS, #143, SEPTEMBER 13, 2023
Dick
Bennett. Two Books on the US Warfare
State
Dmitri Kovalevich. “Class and Nation in the Conflict in Ukraine.”
Chris Hedges Report. “There Are Very Few Good Films About
War. 20 Days in Mariupol is an Exception.”
Manufacturing
Consent in the Warfare State
I am
reshelving my books after a broken water pipe, and am finding books I want to
read again.
Fred Cook’s The Warfare State (1962)(Mullins
UA23.C673) remains a good source of understanding the true nature of our nation—a
bully in 1962 and 61 years later still a bully, including still “making verbal
declarations of war on Russia.,” still “:less possible than ever before to place
any kind of effective check upon the Military.”
See the chapter titles: 1. The Fateful Issue (just stated); 2. The
Growth of Militarism; 3. Birth of the Cold War; 4. Madison Avenue in Uniform;
5. The Bomb That Changed the World; 6. How the Warfare State Runs; 7. No
Disarmament for US; 8. The Face of the Radical Right; 9. Shelters Are to Bury
You; 10. MAD.
One
book I want to reread but cannot find at home and is not in Mullins, is one of
the best books I have ever read on the implementation of US foreign policy--Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy
of the Mass Media by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky (1988). (I have asked for a replacement.) It applies
the authors’ “propaganda model” to the mass media of the US, which “serve to
mobilize support for the special interests that dominate the state and private
activity.” Since US wars and US warming
continue, Manufacturing Consent is as
relevant today as it was in the 1980s. I reviewed the book warmly in
Fayetteville’s Grapevine Weekly (Oct.
6, 1989). --Dick
Dmitri
Kovalevich. “Class and Nation in the Conflict in Ukraine.”
Originally
published: Al Mayadeen on June 2, 2023
(more by Al Mayadeen).
(Posted Jun 03, 2023). Google: Al Mayadeen is an Arab Independent Media Satellite Channel. Dmitri is a Ukrainian journalist and activist of the banned
communist organization 'Borotba'. Class, Imperialism, WarAmericas, Europe,
Russia,
Ukraine,
United StatesNewswire
[Here are the opening and closing sentences of the article.]
Every military
conflict these days has a class
component; the soldiers directly involved in hostilities are usually drawn or
conscripted from poorer social classes. The current conflict in Ukraine is no
exception to this.
There are also
differences in approaches between Ukraine and Russia to military staffing and
individual freedom from military service. This difference is primarily due to
the difference in the economic potential and human resources of the two
countries.
[To read the entire
article: https://mronline.org/2023/06/03/class-and-nation-in-the-conflict-in-ukraine/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=class-and-nation-in-the-conflict-in-ukraine&mc_cid=5cf7e358cd&mc_eid=ab2f7bf95e]
As shown by their
online comments, many Russian servicemen are convinced they are fighting a
proxy war against NATO and in favour of a multipolar world. They believe that
when Ukraine’s forces are exhausted, NATO will throw in soldiers from Poland,
Romania and other countries of Eastern Europe. Russian servicemen more often
perceive their actions in Ukraine as a regular job. They don’t voice
bitterness, but neither do they express much enthusiasm.
A minority of
Ukrainian armed forces personnel–holding ultranationalist views– believe they
are fighting to defend Europe from Asian hordes coming from Russia. But
ordinary soldiers tend to view the military hostilities as a kind of fate –
they were unlucky and did not have time to hide, but fate can still help them
survive if they are lucky enough to find a basement to hide somewhere on the
front line.
I am sure that after
the cessation of hostilities, the ordinary masses of Ukrainian soldiers (not
the ultranationalists) will quickly and easily find common ground again with
their Russian compatriots in struggling for a better country and better world.
This will not even require a long period to heal moral wounds.
ANTI-WAR DOCUMENTARY ABOUT UKRAINE WAR
“There Are Very Few Good Films About
War. 20 Days in Mariupol is an Exception.” Chris
Hedges Report (July 22, 2-23). [For the full essay click on title.]
. . .Most
feature war films and documentaries, from The
Sands of Iwo Jima to Saving Private
Ryan, are war pornography. They romanticize those wielding the terrible
instruments of death. . . .
The documentary
“20 Days in Mariupol,” a chronicle of the first 20 days of Russia’s invasion of
Ukraine, captures what I witnessed as a war correspondent in Central America, the
Middle East, Africa and the Balkans. It fails, as all films about war must
fail, but it succeeds where few films about war succeed. It relentlessly rips
back the veil on war - fatally wounded children and pregnant women torn apart
by shell fragments; the frantic and doomed efforts of doctors to save them; the
shrieks and lamentations of those cradling the bloodied bodies of the dead; the
collapse of the social order once the fragile structures of a civil society
cease to exist and looting and pillage become a way to survive. In war there
are only predators and prey. . . .
The film
focuses exclusively on Russian atrocities. It ignores those committed by
Ukrainians. I covered enough wars to know there were some. . . .
It is not that
what we see in the film is not true. Rather, it is that the film omitted what
would not reflect well on Ukraine. When you depend on military units for
protection and logistics you censor your reporting. If the reporters had
reported on the abuses and atrocities carried out by Ukrainian units the
protection they received would have been withdrawn. As much as I admire the
documentary, the lie of omission is still a lie. It is the most common lie told
in war. Only reporters who dare to report without embedding in military units
are free to report the truth. But this is very dangerous and lonely work. This
willful self-censorship is a serious flaw in the film, but it does not distract
from the power of the visceral footage or the courage of the
reporters. . . . Chris
Hedges - Wikipedia
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