OMNI
NEWSLETTER NUMBER 14 ON THE US
EMPIRE, THE US NATIONAL SECURITY STATE ,
NATIONALISM, MILITARISM, SURVEILLANCE. March 2, 2014
Compiled by Dick Bennett, Building a Culture of Peace
and Justice.
US Imperialism Newsletters
#1 July 3, 2007
#2 Sept. 20, 2007
#3 April 7, 2008
#4 Nov. 30, 2008
#5 September 13, 2011
#6 October 16, 2011
#7 January 16, 2012
#8 June 3, 2012
#9 Oct. 20, 2012
#10 April 5, 2013
#11 June 3, 2013
#12 July 19, 2013
#13 Sept. 3, 2013
(Tell me if you find any error.)
“The question, patently, is not whether we are willing
to socialize but what. ‘The
socialization of death,’ says Michael Harrington, ‘is, thus far at least, much
more generally popular than the socialization of life.’ The military have become ardent and dangerous
competitors for power in American society.”
J. William Fulbright, The Crippled
Giant (1972, 253).
My blog: It's the War Department
Newsletters: Laying
the foundation for peace, justice, and ecology in knowledge.
Index:
See: Afghan/US
War, Costs of War, Consequences of War, US Imperialism, US Imperialism Continental Westward Expansion, US Imperial Pacific E.
Asia Expansion, US Leaders Imperial Lawlessness, Iraq/US War,
McCarthyism Ongoing, US Military Industrial Complex, Militarism, US National
Security State, Pentagon, Pentagon: Suicides, Pentagon: Whistleblowing,
Torture, War Crimes, and more.
A wide-ranging source of
information is the Defense News Early Bird Brief: : http://omsswar.blogspot.com/2012/03/defense-news-early-bird-brief_14.html
Nos. 7-13 below.
Contents #14
RESISTANCE TO US EMPIRE
Davies, Most
Expensive and Powerful Military Does Not Bring Safety
Blum: Empire, Communism and Other Threats, Vital US Interests,
Domino Dogma
Gurman,
Counterinsurgency from Malaya and Vietnam
to Iraq and Afghanistan
Turse, Special
Operations Command, Secret Military
Monbiot, Lawless Double
Standards of US Exceptionalism
Hart, US Broadcast
Media Supported Attack on Syria
RESISTANCE TO US
EMPIRE
Dick, Informed Citizens versus US Perpetual War,
Resistance II
Tomgram/Hiro,
Global Resistance to the Empire
Articles Via
Historians Against War
Dick, Books on US Empire
Contacts for Arkansas Congressional
Representatives
Contents to Earlier
Empire Newsletters
Myths
of US Innocence and Freedom
In
its editorial of March 23, 2011, the Arkansas
Democrat-Gazette repeated the old imperial lie: “But of course America doesn’t have to do
anything—right, wrong, or in-between—to be the target of protest. Our very existence is a standing
provocation to the tyrannies of the world. It’s been that way since
we first proclaimed that all men are created equal. . . .So no one should be
surprised to hear any protesters -for-hire in the Mid-east start chanting
‘Death to America !’.
. . .Maybe chanting ‘Death to America !’
is just an old habit. By
now it may be custom—a tradition!—when any two or three gather together in an
Islamic country.”
Little of this is true. And its sweeping anti-Islamic message
is a call to kill. Who
cried “Death to America !”
in the nineteenth century? Not
the Muslims or anybody except the British in 1812 and the Filipinos at the end
of the century. Our Statue
of Liberty welcomed the oppressed of the world, and they came, and still wish
to come, including Muslims. Not
our “very existence” has inspired enemies, but our many invasions and interventions,
the tens of thousands of innocent people we have killed.. Before us
the cry was “Death to the Romans.” And
then “Death to the British!” “Death
to all the imperial tyrannies.” So
“Death to the USA” from Hawaiians, Iranians, Guatemalans, El Salvadorans,
Nicaraguans, Vietnamese, Afghans, Iraqis and all the many victims of US
aggression.
Neither is the second myth
true. Our youth
continue to join the military and die in combat, our leaders continue to foment
wars, and our wars continue hardly without cessation for a hundred years partly
because our troops are said to be defending our freedom. That’s a cruel falsehood to the dead
and wounded soldiers and their grieving families, since the freedoms have been
diminishing in direct correlation to the increase and continuation of our
wars. You remember the Cold
War and McCarthyism, including the 1950 Internal Security Act, the 1951 Supreme
Court Dennis decision, the 1964 Communist Control
Act. But
you might have forgotten President
Reagan’s assaults on our freedoms—McCarthyism’s extension: the gag rule for public officials,
Executive Order 12356 increasing the secrecy classification, increased use of
the Foreign Agents Registration Act, and the McCarran-Walter Act, to mention
only the most infamous. Nor
perhaps do you recall President
Clinton’s 1996 counterterrorism bill: a
special court for secret evidence to deport noncitizens accused of association with groups listed as
“terrorist”; Executive Branch power to criminalize fundraising for lawful
activities conducted by organizations labeled “terrorist”; repealing the Edwards amendment, which
prohibited the FBI from opening investigations based on First Amendment
activities; resurrecting the discredited ideological visa denial provisions of
the McCarran-Walter Act to bar aliens based on their associations rather than
their acts; and especially: creating a new federal crime of terrorism, carving
further exceptions in the time-honored posse comitatus law barring the U.S.
military from civilian law enforcement, expanding use of pre-trial detention,
and loosening the rules governing federal wiretaps.
I have not mentioned the
intrusions into library privacy, and I
assume you do remember the Patriot Act and other intensifications of all of these
restrictions on our freedom that occurred under Bush II’s administration
post-9/11 and continue under Obama.
So long as the myths continue of
enemies who hate us for our freedom, democracy, and affluence (‘our very
existence”?), US imperial interventions will continue, our troops will futilely
die, and our treasure wasted. But
we are not helpless; we are not powerless. We can contribute to an end of US wars
of conquest and of domestic repression (McCarthyism abroad and at home) by
refuting these myths. Knowledge,
reason, evidence can produce changes for the better. Let us therefore not be silent.
At end see a brief list of some
of the scholarship exposing the lies compiled in 2012. .
The
Price of America
Having the Greatest Military in the World? It's Destroying the Country
A giant military doesn't make the American people safer.
October 21, 2013 |
The idea of U.S.
"national security" seems inextricably entangled with the notion of
"military supremacy." Over the past 15 years, this has served
to rationalize the most expensive unilateral
military build-up in history. But there is no evidence that
having the most expensive and destructive military forces makes Americans safer
than people in other countries, nor that restoring a more balanced military
posture would leave us vulnerable to dangers we are currently protected
from. Many countries with smaller military forces do a better job of
protecting their people by avoiding the hostility that is generated by U.S.
imperialism, aggression and other war crimes.
Now, successful
diplomacy over Syria 's
chemical weapons has demonstrated that diplomacy within the framework of
international law can be a more effective way of dealing with problems than the
illegal threat or use of military force. Our government claims that its
threat of force led to the success of diplomacy in Syria , but that's not really what
happened. It was only when the sleeping giant of American democracy awoke
from its long slumber and pried the cruise missiles from our leaders' trigger
fingers that they grudgingly accepted "diplomacy as a last
resort." For once in a very long while, our political system worked
the way it's supposed to: the public made its views clear to our
representatives in Congress, and they listened. We saved our leaders from
the consequences of their own criminality, and their efforts to sell a
propaganda narrative that turns that on its head is a sad reflection on their
disdain for democracy and the rule of law.
For most of our history,
Americans never dreamt of global military supremacy. At the turn of the
20th century, even as the U.S. waged a genocidal war that
probably killed a million Filipinos, American diplomats played key roles in
the Hague Peace Conferences and
the establishment of international courts, eager to adapt American concepts of
democracy and justice to the international arena to develop alternatives to war
and militarism.
In response to the
horrors of the First World War, an international social movement demanded the
abolition of war. In 1928, the U.S. government responded by
negotiating the Kellogg-Briand Pact, named for U.S.
Secretary of State Frank Kellogg, in which all major powers renounced "war
as an instrument of national policy." The treaty failed to prevent
the Second World War, but it provided the legal basis for the convictions of
German leaders at Nuremberg
for the crime of aggression. And it is still in force, supported by
subsequent treaties like the UN Charter and conventions against genocide,
torture and other war crimes, under which senior U.S. officials must also eventually
face justice.
The allied defeat of Germany and Japan
in the Second World War was not the result of American military supremacy, but
of an alliance across ideological lines with imperial Britain and the communist Soviet
Union , based on mutual trust, vigorous diplomacy and the
recognition of a common existential threat. Most Americans believed at
the time that the war would lead to a renewed international commitment to peace
and disarmament, not to an American bid for military supremacy.
American, British and
Soviet leaders agreed that their common interests required what Roosevelt called "a permanent structure of
peace" after the war, through the United Nations and
continued great power diplomacy. The prohibition against the threat or use of force is
a key provision of the UN Charter. But Roosevelt's death deprived America
of his vision and personal diplomatic skills just as the complexities of the
post-war world began to rear their head.
Truman mistrusted the
Soviets and never shared Roosevelt 's
commitment to work with them in a spirit of mutual respect. He quickly
fell under the influence of hawkish advisers like his Chief of Staff Admiral
Leahy, Ambassador Harriman and Navy Secretary Forrestal, and he condemned the
Russians harshly at every turn during negotiations on the contours of the
post-war world. Truman embraced Churchill's self-fulfilling declaration
of an "iron curtain" across
Europe and his dark view of America 's wartime ally as a
potential aggressor in the mold of Nazi Germany.
What emboldened the
former Senator from Missouri to squander the
fruits of Roosevelt 's astute diplomacy?
In great part, it was "the bomb." The U.S. monopoly on atomic weapons in the late
1940s gave rise to a newly aggressive posture in U.S.
foreign policy, including desperate calls to destroy the Soviet
Union in a massive nuclear holocaust before it could develop its
own nuclear deterrent.
Fortunately for all of
us, wiser heads prevailed and a nuclear war was avoided. The Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists and wartime American and British military leaders
warned that attacking the U.S.S.R. would unleash an even more terrible war than
the one the world had just survived. U.S. Army Chief of Staff General
Eisenhower made an early venture into politics with a speech in St. Louis,
saying, "I decry loose and sometimes gloating talk about the high degree of
security implicit in a weapon that might destroy millions overnight… Those who
measure security solely in terms of offensive capacity distort its meaning and
mislead those who pay them heed."
Many Americans accepted
their government's claims that bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki had shortened the
war with Japan and saved American lives, but the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey concluded
that, "Japan would have surrendered, even if the atomic bombs had not been
dropped, even if Russia had not entered the war, and even if no invasion had
been planned or contemplated." In fact, Japan 's vital supply lines were cut
and it was already suing for peace. The main sticking point was the
continued rule of Emperor Hirohito, which the allies eventually conceded in any
case. American leaders from former President Hoover to future President
Eisenhower to military intelligence chief General Carter Clarke all opposed
using the bomb as barbaric and unnecessary.
But America 's monopoly on nuclear weapons
transformed U.S.
foreign policy after the war. Even though our leaders have never found
any practical way to realize the mirage of omnipotence conjured up by these
weapons, they gave them a false sense of ultimate power in a fluid and
uncertain post-war world. Cooperation with the Soviets was no longer
imperative, because, in the last resort, we had the bomb and they did not.
The U.S. and U.K.
could not prevent most of the countries of Eastern Europe from falling into the
Soviet political and economic orbit once they were liberated by the Red Army
and communist resistance forces, any more than the Russians could bring their
communist allies to power in Western-occupied France ,
Italy or Greece . But the U.S.
nuclear monopoly encouraged Truman to take a hard line. The Truman
Doctrine committed the U.S.
to militarily oppose Soviet influence across the globe in a long ideological
struggle.
As the Soviets developed
their own nuclear arsenal, the U.S.
invested trillions of dollars and vast human resources in an unrestrained
technological arms race. American warplanes and tanks generally proved
superior to Soviet ones in proxy wars around the world, but this was irrelevant
to the outcome of guerrilla wars, where the AK-47 became the weapon of choice
and a symbol of popular resistance to Western imperialism. Meanwhile Germany and Japan , excluded and freed from the
tyranny of military production, invested all their resources in civilian
technology and soon produced better cars and home electronics than either of
the "superpowers."
The almost unbelievable
record of American militarism since 1945 is that, despite the most sustained
and expensive military build-up in the history of the world and the tragic
annihilation of millions of people, the United States has not won a single
major war. After overreaching in Korea ,
bringing China into the war
and devastating North and South
Korea , it was forced to settle for a
ceasefire on the original border. At least 3 million Vietnamese and
57,000 Americans paid with their lives for the folly of the American War in Vietnam .
Proxy and covert wars in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and other parts
of South-East Asia have been just as bloody but no more successful. America 's only real military successes have been
limited campaigns to restore friendly regimes in three small strategic outposts:
Grenada ; Panama ; and Kuwait .
Surveying the ruins of U.S. policy at
the end of the American War in Vietnam ,
Richard Barnet put his finger on the irony of America 's unique place in world
history. He wrote, "at the very moment the number one nation has
perfected the science of killing, it has become an impractical instrument of
political domination."
But the lessons of Vietnam were gradually eroded by a revival of U.S.
militarism. George Bush Senior played a critical role as Director of the
CIA (1976-7) and the Council on Foreign Relations (1977-9) and then as Vice
President and President. After covert wars in Angola ,
Afghanistan and Central
America, and invasions of Grenada
and Panama , Bush refused Iraq 's offers to withdraw peacefully from Kuwait
in 1991 and instead ordered the massacre of at least 25,000 Iraqi soldiers and
civilians. Bush rejoiced, "By God, we've kicked the Vietnam Syndrome once
and for all!"
The fall of the U.S.S.R.
was a critical factor in U.S.
military expansion in the Middle East .
As Pentagon adviser Michael Mandelbaum said in 1991,
"For the first time in 40 years we can conduct military operations in the Middle East without worrying about triggering World War
III." The "peace dividend" Americans expected at the end
of the Cold War was trumped by a "power dividend," as policy-makers
exploited the fall of the Soviet Union to project U.S. military power around
the world. New interventionist doctrines of " reassurance", " humanitarian intervention",
"responsibility to protect",
" information warfare"
and " preemption" have
served as political cover for violating the UN Charter's prohibition on the
threat or use of force, culminating in the travesty of Barack Obama's speech justifying war as
he accepted the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize.
Since Vietnam , we have spent at least another $17 trillion on war and
preparations for war - our entire national debt - and killed millions more of
our fellow human beings. Watching General Giap's funeral in Hanoi as
I write this today, I have to ask, "What have we learned?" Our
generals have learned how to wage war in other countries with fewer American
casualties by using disproportionate violence that kills more civilians than
combatants. This has made war less painful for Americans, but it only
underlines its futility and barbarism. No American general of this
generation will be buried with the outpouring of genuine public gratitude and
grief we just saw in Hanoi .
Now we have spent 12
years at war in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Libya, Syria, Yemen and Somalia
(along with covert operations across the entire globe, from Sweden to the Philippines to Colombia). We have
brought death, injury, devastation and chaos to hundreds of millions more
people, with no end in sight as the "Long War" keeps spreading from
country to country. Nowhere have our leaders achieved their original
stated intentions to reduce terrorism, prevent weapons proliferation or
establish democracy. Their increasingly desperate rationalizations for a
murderous, out-of-control policy, repeated ad nauseam by a craven corporate
propaganda system, can barely disguise their humiliation.
Like Americans in the
late 1940s who were desperate to destroy the U.S.S.R. in a
"preemptive" nuclear war, some Americans today may still not
understand why our military supremacy cannot bring us political power over
enemies with fewer resources and inferior weapons. But, as Eisenhower and
other American war leaders understood only too well, the use of force is a
blunt and brutal instrument, and more powerful weapons are only more powerful,
not magical. The use of force is always destructive, not constructive,
and being killed or maimed by shrapnel and high explosives is no cleaner or
kinder because missiles are more expensive or more sophisticated.
Political power is something quite different, requiring popular support and
legitimacy and policies that actually solve problems.
So military supremacy is
not a trump card to achieve political objectives; the use of force is
inherently destructive; and war nearly always causes more problems than it
solves. Killing people to save them from an oppressive government is an
absurdity, and "regime change" is generally a euphemism for
"regime destruction," with no ability to ensure that what comes after
will be better, especially once the violence and chaos of war are added to the
problems that led to it in the first place.
Norwegian General Robert
Mood led the UN monitors sent to Syria to oversee the failed
ceasefire in 2012. A year later, amid calls for Western military
intervention, he reflected, "It is fairly easy to
use the military tool, because, when you launch the military tool in classical
interventions, something will happen and there will be results. The
problem is that the results are almost all the time different than the
political results you were aiming for when you decided to launch it. So
the other position, arguing that it is not the role of the international
community, neither coalitions of the willing nor the UN Security Council for
that matter, to change governments inside a country, is also a position that
should be respected…"
Threatening the use of
force while hoping not to have to use it may seem like a less painful way for
our leaders to impose their will on other countries, but in practice this
doesn't work very well either. It forces both sides into positions from
which neither can afford to back down, putting the credibility of our
military supremacy on the line over every crisis around the world. This
has turned manufactured disputes over non-existent weapons into a choice
between war and political humiliation for American leaders, as we saw with Iraq and, incredibly, are now going through all
over again with Iran .
There is great wisdom in the UN Charter's prohibition on the threat as well as
on the use of force, because the one leads so predictably to the other.
Despite nearly bankrupting our country, military
supremacy remains an expensive national ego-trip in search of a constructive
purpose. Countries that are not cursed with military supremacy have to
settle their differences by other means, notably by diplomacy within the rule
of international law. As we have found out over Syria , this is not by any means a
worse option, and it offers us a way forward to life after militarism.
The victory of democracy in America 's
debate over Syria
is a small but significant step in the right direction. Organizing and
public outrage transformed formerly passive public opposition to war and
militarism into effective action to prevent U.S. aggression. Now we must
tap into the same combination of public sentiment and effective political
organizing to actually bring peace to Syria ,
to restore civilized relations with Iran
and to finally turn the tide on the largest,
most wasteful and dangerous unilateral military build-up in the history of the
world. This could be an important turning point, but that will be up
to us.
Nicolas J. S. Davies is author of Blood On Our Hands: The
American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq . He wrote the
chapter on "Obama At War" for the just released book, Grading the 44th
President: A Report Card on Barack Obama's First Term as a Progressive Lea
According to a global survey of 66,000 people conducted across 68
countries by the Worldwide Independent Network of Market Research (WINMR) and
Gallup International at the end of 2013, Earth’s people see the United States
as the most significant threat to peace on the planet. The U.S. was voted
top threat by a wide margin, receiving 24 percent of the vote. Pakistan was a distant second with 8 percent,
followed by China
(6 percent). Afghanistan , Iran , Israel ,
and North Korea
tied for 4th place at 4 percent. Among U.S.-allied countries, Greece and Turkey
(45 percent each), Pakistan
(44 percent) and Mexico
(about 37 percent) believed the U.S.
is the greatest threat to peace.
This poll was met with deafening silence
across the dominant U.S.
corporate and so-called mainstream media. It did not receive a single mention in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, the Chicago
Tribune, or the Los
Angeles Times. It was not considered worthy of reportage on the nightly
news at NBC, CBS, ABC, or PBS. It barely registered in the U.S. mass
media, receiving at most short and dismissive treatment on the margins of
serious news and commentary.
Typical of that dismissal was an International
Business Times headline that questioned the validity and/or
rationality of the finding. “In Gallup Poll,” the headline read, “Leading
Threat to World Peace is…America ?”
The implication was clear in the IBR article that the world’s opinion
was absurd (IBT, January 2, 2014)
Editors at the right-wing New
York Post responded with
literally world-weary disgust at those who just “don’t like the U.S. ,” even
after Barack Obama became president. Noting a 2006 Gallup poll in which world
citizens said that “Washington [w]as a bigger threat to world peace than
Teheran” (a self-evidently ridiculous belief as far as the Post was concerned), those editors
commented that, “In 2008, President Obama would…campaign about how Bush’s
policies had harmed America’s standing in the world, at one point suggesting
that attitudes in the Muslim world would be transformed simply by his election.
“It hasn’t turned out that way, as these Gallup numbers suggest. Maybe we’d do better
to accept the real message of all these global surveys: There are many people
in this world who don’t like the U.S. and will regard us as a threat
no matter who’s president” (New York Post, January 5, 2014).
For any serious and honest
observer of U.S. foreign
policy and the international scene today and for many decades, the United States ’
longstanding and persistent (“even” under Obama) status as the leading menace
to peace in the world’s eyes should be anything but surprising. The U.S. , after
all, accounts for nearly half the world’s military spending. It maintains more
than 1,000 military installations across more than 100 “sovereign” nations
spread across every continent.
The Obama administration deploys Special Operations forces in 75
to 100 countries (up from 60 at the end of the George W. Bush administration)
and conducts regular lethal drone attacks against officially designated terrorists
(and a much larger number of innocent civilians) in the Middle East, Southwest
Asia and Africa. It maintains a massive global surveillance program dedicated
to the elimination of privacy on Earth—a program that has spied even on the
personal cell phones of European heads of state, including Germany ’s
Angela Merkel. As Der Speigel , Germany ’s
leading newspaper noted in 1997: “Never before in modern history has a country
dominated the earth as totally as the United States does today…. America is now
the Schwarzenegger of international politics: showing off muscles, obtrusive,
intimidating…. The Americans, in the absence of limits put to them by anybody
or anything, act as if they own a kind of blank check.”
An “Aerial Traffic Jam” Above a “One-Sided Slaughter” (Iraq , 1991)
Perhaps Der
Spiegel’s editors were
thinking of U.S. conduct in Iraq when they
penned those lines. They may have reflected on the “Highway of Death,” when U.S. forces massacred tens of thousands of
surrendered Iraqi troops retreating from Kuwait on February 26 and 27, 1991.
The Lebanese-American journalist Joyce Chediac testified that: “U.S. planes
trapped the long convoys by disabling vehicles in the front, and at the rear,
and then pounded the resulting traffic jams for hours. ‘It was like shooting
fish in a barrel,’ said one U.S.
pilot. On the sixty miles of coastal highway, Iraqi military units sit in
gruesome repose, scorched skeletons of vehicles and men alike, black and awful
under the sun…for 60 miles every vehicle was strafed or bombed, every
windshield is shattered, every tank is burned, every truck is riddled with
shell fragments. No survivors are known or likely…. ‘Even in Vietnam I
didn’t see anything like this. It’s pathetic,’ said Major Bob Nugent, an Army
intelligence officer…. U.S.
pilots took whatever bombs happened to be close to the flight deck, from
cluster bombs to 500 pound bombs…. U.S. forces continued to drop bombs
on the convoys until all humans were killed. So many jets swarmed over the
inland road that it created an aerial traffic jam, and combat air controllers
feared midair collisions…. The victims were not offering resistance…it was
simply a one-sided massacre of tens of thousands of people who had no ability
to fight back or defend.” (Ramsey Clark et al., War Crimes: A Report on
United States War Crimes Against Iraq to the Commission of Inquiry for the
International War Crimes Tribunal, testimony of Joyce Chediac).
Less than a year after his forces inflicted this unthinkable
carnage, U.S. President George H.W. Bush proclaimed that, “A world once divided
into two armed camps now recognizes one sole and pre-eminent power, the United States of America .
And they regard this with no dread. For the world trusts us with power,
and the world is right. They trust us to be fair and restrained. They trust us
to be on the side of decency. They trust us to do what’s right” (Blum, Rogue State ).
No Cruelty Too Great
The mass-murderous “turkey-shoot” conducted by the forces of
“decency” in 1991 was consistent with the United States ’ long record of
savage imperial violence. That history stretches from the bloody extermination
of the nation’s original inhabitants (the long Native American holocaust of
1607-1890) through the racist butchering of tens of thousands of Filipinos between
1899 and 1902 (when U.S. soldiers engaged in the slaughter wrote home to
friends and relatives about how they had vowed to fight “until the niggers are
killed off like Indians”), the arch-criminal and unnecessary atom-bombing of
Japan, and the U.S. “crucifixion of Southeast Asia” (Noam Chomsky’s term for a
U.S. policy that liquidated more than 4 million Indochinese—regularly labeled
“gooks” and other racist names by U.S. troops—between 1962 and 1975).
Perhaps Der
Spiegel’s editors were also
reflecting on economic sanctions and U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright.
Five years after “the Highway of Death,” Albright told CBS News’ Leslie Stahl
that the death of half a million Iraqi children due to U.S.-imposed economic
sanctions was a “price…worth paying” for the advancement of inherently noble U.S. goals.
“The United States ,”
Secretary Albright explained three years later, “is good. We try to do our best
everywhere.”
This, too, was nothing new. As Chomsky noted in 1992, reflecting
on U.S. efforts to maximize
suffering in Vietnam by
blocking economic and humanitarian assistance to the nation it had devastated
after the Vietnam War ended: “No degree of cruelty is too great for Washington sadists. The
educated classes know enough to look the other way” (Noam Chom- sky, What
Uncle Sam Really Wants, 1992).
Sons and Daughters
The imperial sadism has continued into the current millennium. The
world’s “Schwarzenegger” since September 11, 2001 has gone off on a rampage,
killing, maiming, and displacing millions across the Muslim World as part of
its Global War on/of Terror (GWOT).
In a foreign policy speech
he gave on the eve of announcing his candidacy for the U.S. presidency in the fall of 2006, then-U.S.
Senator Barack Obama had the audacity to say the following in support of his
claim that U.S. citizens
supported “victory” in Iraq :
“The American people have been extraordinarily resolved. They have seen their
sons and daughters killed or wounded in the streets of Fallujah” (Barack Obama,
“A Way Forward in Iraq ,”
Chicago Council on Global Affairs, November 20, 2006).
It was a spine-chilling selection of locales. Uncle Sam’s 21st
century cruelty peaked, perhaps, in Fallujah ,
Iraq , in 2004.
The ill-fated city was the site of colossal U.S.
war atrocities, crimes including the indiscriminate murder of thousands of
civilians, the targeting even of ambulances and hospitals, and the practical
leveling of an entire city by the U.S. military in April and
November.
By one account: “The U.S. launched two bursts of
ferocious assault on the city, in April and November of 2004… [using]
devastating firepower from a distance which minimizes U.S.
casualties. In April….military commanders claimed to have precisely
targeted…insurgent forces, yet the local hospitals reported that many or most
of the casualties were civilians, often women, children, and the elderly…[reflecting
an] intention to kill civilians generally…. In November…[U.S. ]aerial
assault destroyed the only hospital in insurgent territory to ensure that this
time no one would be able to document civilian casualties. U.S. forces
then went through the city, virtually destroying it. Afterwards, Fallujah
looked like the city of Grozny in Chechnya after
Putin’s Russian troops had razed it to the ground” (Michael Mann, Incoherent Empire
N ew York, 2005).
“So You Stuff ’Em in Guantanamo ”
Lawrence Wilkerson is a former combat officer and onetime chief of
staff to George W. Bush’s Secretary of States Colin Powell. Speaking to
investigative journalist Jeremy Scahill, he described a typical Special Forces
operation during the occupation of Iraq : “You go in and you get some
intelligence…and you say ‘Oh, this is really good actionable intelligence.
Here’s ‘Operation Blue Thunder. Go do it.’ And they kill 27, 30, 40 people,
whatever, and they capture seven or eight. Then you find out that the
intelligence was bad and you killed a bunch of innocent people and you have a
bunch of innocent people on your hands, so you stuff ’em in Guantanamo . No one ever knows anything about
that….you say, ‘chalk that one up to experience,’ and you go on to the next
operation” (J. Scahill, Dirty Wars: The World is a Battlefield).
Anyone who thinks U.S.
imperial savagery came to some kind of a merciful halt with the ascendency of
Barack Obama to the White House is living in a dream world. Obama may have been
tasked with winding down Washington ’s failed
ground wars in Iraq and Afghanistan ,
but he has drastically expanded the scale, intensity, and scope of the drone
war and the presence of Special Forces troops around the world. Obama, as the
courageous journalist Allan Nairn noted early on, has kept the giant U.S.
imperial “machine set on kill” (Democracy Now!, January 6, 2010).
The tone was set from the start, with Obama signing off on two
major drone strikes in Pakistan
on his fourth day in office. The first strike “killed between seven and fifteen
people, nearly all of them civilians.” The second one “struck the ‘wrong house’
and killed five to eight civilians,” including two children. Less than half a
year later, another one of Obama’s “signature [drone] strikes” targeted a
funeral and killed “scores of civilians—estimates ranged between 18 and 55.” By
October 2009, Scahill reports, “Obama had already authorized as many drone
strikes in ten months as Bush had in his entire eight years in office.”
A
military source told Scahill about a standard Special Forces kill operation in
the Age of Obama: “If there’s one person they’re going after and there’s
thirty-four [other] people in the building, then thirty-five people are going
to die.”
An illustrative incident in the U.S. war on/of terror occurred in
the first week of May 2009. That’s when U.S.
air-strikes killed more 140 civilians in Bola Boluk, a village in western Afghanistan ’s Farah Province .
Ninety-three of the dead villagers torn apart by U.S. explosives were children. Just
22 were males 18 years or older. As theNew York
Times reported: “In a phone
call played on a loudspeaker on Wednesday to…the Afghan Parliament, the
governor of Farah
Province , Rohul Amin,
said that as many as 130 civilians had been killed, according to a legislator,
Mohammad Naim Farahi…. The governor said that the villagers have brought two
tractor trailers full of pieces of human bodies to his office to prove the
casualties that had occurred…. Everyone was crying…watching that shocking
scene.’ Mr. Farahi said he had talked to someone he knew personally who had
counted 113 bodies being buried, including…many women and children” (NYT, May 6, 2009).
The initial response of the Obama Pentagon to this horrific
incident—one among many mass U.S. aerial civilian killings in Afghanistan and
Pakistan beginning in the fall of 2001—was to blame the deaths on “Taliban
grenades.” Obama’s Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed “regret” about
loss of innocent life, but the Administration refused to issue an apology or to
acknowledge U.S.
responsibility. By contrast, Obama had just offered a full apology and fired a
White House official for scaring New Yorkers with an ill-advised Air Force One
photo-shoot flyover of Manhattan that reminded people there of 9/11 (New
York Daily News, April 28, 2009; Los
Angeles Times, May 9, 2009).
The disparity was remarkable: frightening New Yorkers led to a
full presidential apology and the discharge of a White House staffer. Killing
more than 100 Afghan civilians did not require any apology. Nobody had to be
fired. And the Pentagon was permitted to advance preposterous claims about how
the civilians perished—stories that were taken seriously by corporate media.
The U.S. subsequently
conducted a dubious “investigation” of the Bola Boluk slaughter that slashed
the civilian body count and blamed the Taliban for putting civilians in the way
of U.S.
bombs.
“Peace prize? He’s a killer.” Thus spoke a young Pashtun man to an Al Jazeera English reporter on December 10,
2009—the day Obama was given the Nobel Peace Prize. “The man spoke from the
village of Armal, where a large crowd gathered around the bodies of twelve
people, one family from a single home, all killed by U.S. Special Forces during
a late-night raid. ”
Top Threat to Livable Ecology
The U.S.
is not the top menace only to peace on Earth. It is also the leading threat to
personal privacy (as has been made clearer than ever by the Snowden
revelations), to democracy (the U.S.
funds and equips repressive regimes around the world) and to Earth itself—to a
livable global natural environment. Regarding climate change, which poses an
ever more imminent threat of human extinction, Washington
delights now in blaming China .
China, the U.S, says, is now the major culprit behind climate change, since its
carbon emissions having more than doubled since 2001 and it now spews more
carbon into the atmosphere than any other nation.
This is a smokescreen designed to cloak the United States ’
primary culpability for the monumental wrong of petro-capitalist-ecocide—a
transgression that will dwarf all previous crimes if allowed to run full its
exterminist course. The U.S.
remains far and away the world’s largest carbon-emitter on a per-capita basis.
Individual U.S.
citizens generate an average of 20 tons of carbon emission per year, nearly 4
times the rate of the average Chinese citizen. No nation has spewed more
accumulated carbon into Earth’s atmosphere in the industrial era than the United States —an historical reality that neither
China nor India will
breach anytime soon
No nation has invested more heavily and powerfully in the
political, ideological, and military promotion and defense of the at once
carbon- and growth- addicted profits system than the United States . The U.S. is
headquarters of the corporate carbon-industrial-complex’s giant lobbying and
propaganda war on the increasingly dire findings of modern climate
science—including those of NASA.
No national government has done more to deep-six increasingly
desperate international efforts to reduce global carbon emissions than that of
the United States —a
record that has continued with depressing vengeance through the supposedly
“green” Obama presidency.
And the U.S.
investor class leads the world when it comes to global investment in the fossil
fuel industry. While most of the world’s new coal plants are being built in China and India , much of the financing comes
from Wall Street. Since 2006, for example, J.P. Morgan Chase has invested $17
billion in new coal plant construction abroad. Citbank added $14 billion during
the same period (P. Gaspar, International Socialist
Review, January 2013). As Sadie Robinson wrote in England ’s Socialist
Worker, “Simply looking at China ’s
emissions as a country obscures the role that the West plays in creating them. China ’s rising
emissions are largely due to the rapid expansion of coal-fired power stations.
This is directly linked to the fact that many Western companies have
effectively outsourced their emissions to China . They have rushed to open
manufacturing plants in China
to take advantage of lower operating costs…. And these plants are largely
powered by coal…. The West has also played a role in boosting China ’s
emissions by using it as a cheap source of goods” (Socialist Worker UK, November 24, 2009). A recent Rolling Stone (RS) report is titled “How the
U.S. Exports Global Warming” According to RS writer Tim Dickinson, “even as
our nation is pivoting toward a more sustainable energy future, America ’s oil
and coal corporations are racing to position the country as the planet’s
dirty-energy dealer—supplying the developing world with cut-rate,
high-polluting, climate-damaging fuels. Much like tobacco companies did in the
1990s—when new taxes, regulations and rising consumer awareness undercut
domestic demand—Big Carbon is turning to lucrative new markets in booming Asian
economies where regulations are looser. Worse, the White House has quietly
championed this dirty-energy trade” (RS,
February 3, 2014, http://www.rollingstone.com).
All of this is consistent with a finding in a 2007 Pew Global
Attitude survey. In 34 of 37 countries where the public was asked “which
country has done the most to hurt the world’s environment?,” majorities or
pluralities named the United
States . That sentiment is certainly no less
widespread—and no less accurate—in the Age of Obama than in the Bush-Cheney
years. The Obama administration has worked effectively to repeatedly undermine
efforts at coordinated global reduction of greenhouse as emissions. “The Obama
administration wants to be seen as a climate leader, but there is no source of
fossil fuel that it is prepared to leave in the ground,” says Lorne Stockman,
research director for Oil Change International. “Coal, gas, refinery
products—crude oil is the last frontier on this. You want it? We’re going to
export it.”
Eco-cide is no small misdeed in global eyes. “Pollution and
environmental” problems were identified in the 2007 Pew poll as the “greatest
world danger” (above nuclear proliferation, AIDS and other infectious diseases,
religious and ethnic hatred and income inequality) by the public of a large
number of nations including Canada, Sweden, Spain, Ukraine, China, and India, 2007
Pew Global Attitude Survey).
“The Self Righteous Who Think They Are Without Sin”
Could surveys like the 2013
WINMR-Gallup poll, the 2006 Gallup poll, and the
2007 Pew Global Attitudes Survey help feed a new peace movement in the U.S. ?
Most ordinary U.S. citizens
do not wish the U.S.
to be seen as a global bully and threat, indeed a mass murderous menace to
global security, freedom, and survival. They are not supporters of war, empire,
totalitarianism, and eco-cide.
But for the reality of global opinion indicating widespread,
longstanding, legitimate, and continuing fear of, the U.S. to sink in and
influence mass U.S. opinion, two obstacles have to be overcome. The first is
the refusal of the managers and owners of dominant U.S. mass media to seriously
report on the views of people beyond U.S. borders—a reflection of U.S.
policymakers’ longstanding indifference to the opinions of those over whom they
have exercised power beyond U.S. shores. (Not that those policymakers care much
about public opinion inside the U.S., see Paul Street, “No Functioning
Democracy,” ZMagazine, September 2013).
The second is the barrier that the nationally narcissistic
doctrine of an intrinsically generous and noble America poses to many U.S.
citizens’ readiness to accept the notion of the U.S. as any kind of threat to
world peace at all, much less the leading threat. Consider the reflections of
former New York Times foreign correspondent Stephen Kinzer on
the United States ’
annexation of Hawaii and the Philippines , its seizure of Puerto Rico, and its
overthrow of elected governments in Nicaragua
and Honduras
during the late 19th and early 20th centuries: “Why did Americans support
policies that brought suffering to people in foreign lands? There are two
reasons, so intertwined that they became one. The essential reason is that
American control of faraway places came to be seen as vital to the material
prosperity of the United
States . This explanation, however, is
wrapped inside another one: the deep-seated belief of most Americans that their
country is a force for good in the world. Thus, by extension, even the
destructive missions the United
States embarks on to impose its authority
are tolerable.
“Generations of American political and business leaders have
recognized the power of the noble idea of American exceptionalism. When they
intervene abroad for selfish or ignoble reasons, they always insist that in the
end, their actions will benefit not only the United States but also the
citizens of the country in which they are intervening and, by extension, the
causes of peace and justice in the world” (Kinzer, Overthrow: America’s Century of
Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq, New York, 2006).
This problem of “American exceptionalism”—the almost religious
belief that U.S.
goals and behavior are inherently benevolent, well-intentioned, and good for
the world—remains deeply entrenched more than a century later. It is a leading
reason, along with the scale and conduct of U.S.
empire, that the world’s people are correct to identify the United States
as leading threat to peace on Earth. Nothing is more dangerous than a sole
military Superpower that believes itself beyond moral reproach, as when
presidents and presidential candidates say things like this: “We lead the world
in battling immediate evils and promoting the ultimate good…. America is the
last, best hope of Earth…. America ’s
larger purpose in the world is to promote the spread of freedom. The American
moment has not passed…we will seize that moment, and begin the world anew” (U.S.
presidential candidate Barack Obama, April 23, 2007).
“Our security emanates from the justness of our cause; the force
of our example; the tempering qualities of humility and restraint” (U.S.
President Barack Obama, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009).
Reading such statements (long standard on the part of U.S.
politicians), I am reminded of psychotherapist M. Scott Peck’s observation that
“The evil in this world is committed by the…self-righteous who think they are
without sin because they are unwilling to suffer the discomfort of significant
self-examination…[their] most basic sin is pride —because all sins are
reparable except the sin of believing one is without sin…. They are the people
of the lie” (M. Scott Peck, People
of the Lie: The Hope for Healing Human Evil, New York, 1983). How
appropriate that the U.S. has retained its status as most dangerous nation in
the world’s eyes after the passage from the more openly and clumsily
imperialist Bush to the more stealthily imperial, supposedly more
peace-oriented Obama.
The world, clearly, is no longer fooled by the great Obama
re-branding of the “Schwarzenegger of international politics.” It properly
understands the latest post- Bush president elected in the name of “hope” and
“change” (watchwords of the 1992 Bill Clinton campaign) to be simply the
empire’s latest new-old clothes.
The Domestic Costs and Benefits of Empire
Where might the seeds of resistance to the Empire and its
malignant doctrine of American exceptionalism lie within the U.S. today? U.S. peace activists and thinkers should look
particularly to the class nature of U.S.
imperialism and to the question of who within the domestic power structure of
the savagely unequal United
States benefits most and pays the most for
that imperialism. Stephen Kinzer forgot to add that “the material prosperity of
the United States ” is
generally a nice-sounding euphemism for “the profits of the U.S. economic
ruling class.”
As Chomsky noted in 1969, “There are, to be sure, costs of empire
that benefit no one: 50,000 American corpses or the deterioration in the
strength of the United States
economy relative to its industrial rivals. The costs of empire to the imperial
society as a whole may be considerable. These costs, however, are social costs,
whereas, say, the profits from overseas investment guaranteed by military
success are again highly concentrated in certain special segments of the
society. The costs of empire are in general distributed over the society
as a whole, while its profits revert to a few within” (Chomsky, For
Reasons of State, Pantheon, 1972).
Chomsky’s point is no less true today when poverty is rife across
the U.S. even as leading military investors enjoy unimaginable wealth amidst a
“New Gilded Age” in which the 400 richest Americans possess more wealth than
the entire bottom half of the U.S. population—150 million U.S. citizens—and the
top 1 percent possesses as much as the bottom 90 percent.
Ultimately, however, nobody, not even the rich, can fully escape
the horrific consequences of the eco-cidal growth-, waste-, and
petroleum-addicted social order that the U.S. empire is sworn to protect:
international capitalism. To quote the placards of environmentalists outside
recent global climate summits where Obama’s representatives have prevented
binding reductions in global greenhouse gas emissions: “There’s No Economy on a
Dead Planet” and “There is No Planet B.”
http://zcomm.org/zmagazine/uncle-sam-top-menace-to-peace-onand-earth/
BLUM: : Empire, Communism and Other Threats, Vital US
Interests, Domino Dogma
WILLIAM BLUM,
EMPIRE REPORT #125, 2-4-14
“JFK,
RFK, and some myths about US
foreign policy”
On April
30, 1964, five months after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, his
brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, was interviewed by John B. Martin
in one of a series of oral history sessions with RFK. Part of the interview
appears in the book “JFK Conservative” by Ira Stoll, published three months
ago. (pages 192-3)
RFK: The
president … had a strong, overwhelming reason for being in Vietnam and that we should win the war in Vietnam .
MARTIN: What
was the overwhelming reason?
RFK: Just
the loss of all of Southeast Asia if you lost Vietnam . I think everybody was quite
clear that the rest of Southeast Asia would
fall.
MARTIN: What
if it did?
RFK: Just
have profound effects as far as our position throughout the world, and our
position in a rather vital part of the world. Also it would affect what
happened in India , of
course, which in turn has an effect on the Middle East .
Just as it would have, everybody felt, a very adverse effect. It would have an
effect on Indonesia ,
hundred million population. All of those countries would be affected by the
fall of Vietnam
to the Communists.
MARTIN: There
was never any consideration given to pulling out?
RFK: No.
MARTIN: … The
president was convinced that we had to keep, had to stay in there …
RFK: Yes.
MARTIN: … And
couldn’t lose it.
RFK: Yes.
These
remarks are rather instructive from several points of view:
1.
Robert Kennedy contradicts the many people
who are convinced that, had he lived, JFK would have brought the US involvement in Vietnam to a fairly prompt end,
instead of it continuing for ten more terrible years. The author, Stoll, quotes
a few of these people. And these other statements are just as convincing as
RFK’s statements presented here. And if that is not confusing enough, Stoll
then quotes RFK himself in 1967 speaking unmistakably in support of the war.
It appears that we’ll never know with any kind of certainty what
would have happened if JFK had not been assassinated, but I still go by his
Cold War record in concluding that US foreign policy would have
continued along its imperial, anti-communist path. In Kennedy’s short time in
office the United States unleashed many different types of hostility, from
attempts to overthrow governments and suppress political movements to
assassination attempts against leaders and actual military combat; with one or
more of these occurring in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, British Guiana, Iraq,
Haiti, Dominican Republic, Cuba and Brazil.
2.
“Just have profound effects as far as our
position throughout the world, and our position in a rather vital part of the
world.”
Ah yes, a vital part of the world. Has there ever been any part
of the world, or any country, that the US has intervened in that was not
vital? Vital to American interests? Vital to our national security? Of great
strategic importance? Here’s President Carter in his 1980 State of the Union
Address: “An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf
region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America ”.
“What a country calls its vital economic interests are not the
things which enable its citizens to live, but the things which enable it to
make war.” – Simone Weil (1909-1943), French philosopher
3.
If the US
lost Vietnam “everybody was
quite clear that the rest of Southeast Asia
would fall.”
As I once wrote:
Thus it was that the worst of Washington ’s fears had come to pass: All of Indochina – Vietnam , Cambodia
and Laos
– had fallen to the Communists. During the initial period of US involvement in Indochina in the 1950s, John
Foster Dulles, Dwight Eisenhower and other American officials regularly issued
doomsday pronouncements of the type known as the “Domino Theory”, warning that
if Indochina should fall, other nations in Asia
would topple over as well. In one instance, President Eisenhower listed no less
than Taiwan , Australia , New Zealand ,
the Philippines and Indonesia
amongst the anticipated “falling dominos”.
Such warnings were repeated periodically
over the next decade by succeeding administrations and other supporters of US policy in Indochina
as a key argument in defense of such policy. The fact that these ominous
predictions turned out to have no basis in reality did not deter Washington
officialdom from promulgating the same dogma up until the 1990s about almost
each new world “trouble-spot”, testimony to their unshakable faith in the
existence and inter-workings of the International Communist Conspiracy.
|
September 29, 2013
Among the
curious spectacles of our moment, the strangeness of the Obama presidency
hasn’t gotten its full due. After decades in which “the imperial
presidency” was increasingly in the spotlight, after two terms of George W.
Bush in which a literal cult of executive power -- or to use the term of that
moment, “the unitary executive” -- took hold in the White House, and without
any obvious diminution in the literal powers of the presidency, Barack Obama
has managed to look like a bystander at his own funeral. Tomgram: Dilip Hiro, The Mystery of Washington's Waning Global Power If I had to summarize these years, I would say that he entered the phone booth dressed as Superman and came out as Clark It should be puzzling just how little power the present executive is actually capable of wielding. He can go to the U.N. or Kansas City and make speeches (that themselves often enough implicitly cast him as a kind of interested observer of his own presidency), but nothing much that he says in Washington seems any longer to be seriously attended to. In the foreign policy arena, he is surrounded by a secretary of defense who ducks for cover, a secretary of state who wanders the world blowing off steam, and a national security advisor and U.N. ambassador who seem like blundering neophytes and whose basic ideological stance (in favor of American -- aka “humanitarian” -- interventions globally) has been rejected in this country by almost any constituency imaginable. Unlike previous presidents, he evidently has no one -- no Brent Scowcroft, Jim Baker, or even Henry Kissinger -- capable of working the corridors of power skillfully or bringing a policy home. Domestically, who ever heard of a presidency already into its second term that, according to just about all observers, has only one significant achievement -- Obamacare (whatever you think of it) -- and clearly hasn’t a hope in hell of getting a second one? Just as he’s done in Syria, Obama will now be watching relatively helplessly as Republicans in Congress threaten to shut the government down and not raise the debt ceiling -- and whatever happens, who expects him to be the key player in that onrushing spectacle? A World in Which No One Is Listening to the Planet’s Sole Superpower The Greater Middle East’s Greatest Rebuff to Uncle Sam By Dilip Hiro What if the sole superpower on the planet makes its will known -- repeatedly -- and finds that no one is listening? Barely a decade ago, that would have seemed like a conundrum from some fantasy Earth in an alternate dimension. Now, it is increasingly a plain description of political life on our globe, especially in the Greater Middle East. In the future, the indecent haste with which Barack Obama sought cover under the umbrella unfurled by his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, in the Syrian chemical weapons crisis will be viewed as a watershed moment when it comes to America’s waning power in that region. In the aptly named “arc of instability,” the lands from the Chinese border to northern Click here to read more of this dispatch. |
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Hearts
and Minds
A People’s History of Counterinsurgency
EDITED BY HANNAH
GURMAN. 2013.
A NEW PRESS
PEOPLE'S HISTORY
HOWARD ZINN, SERIES EDITOR
PAPERBACK ORIGINAL: FROM MALAYA AND VIETNAM
TO IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN ,
LEADING SCHOLARS AND JOURNALISTS UNRAVEL THE MYTH AND CHALLENGE THE EFFICACY OF
COUNTERINSURGENCY
Counterinsurgency is a tactical phoenix, dying only to rise again,
ever-ready to win hearts and minds for the American empire. . . . This essential volume
makes it possible to understand the past and prepare for the next time the
siren song of counterinsurgency is sung.
—MARILYN YOUNG, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
The first book of its kind, Hearts and Minds is a scathing response to the grand
narrative of U.S.
counterinsurgency, in which warfare is defined not by military might alone but
by winning the “hearts and minds” of civilians. Dormant as a tactic since the
days of the Vietnam War, in 2006 the U.S. Army drafted a new field manual heralding the resurrection of counterinsurgency as
a primary military engagement strategy; counterinsurgency campaigns followed in
Iraq and Afghanistan, despite the fact that counterinsurgency had utterly
failed to account for the actual lived experiences of the people whose hearts
and minds America had sought to win.
Drawing on leading thinkers in the field and using key examples from Malaya, thePhilippines , Vietnam , El
Salvador , Iraq ,
and Afghanistan , Hearts
and Minds brings a
long-overdue focus on the many civilians
caught up in these conflicts. Both urgent and timely, this important book
challenges the idea of a neat divide between insurgents and the populations
from which they emerge—and should be required reading for anyone engaged in the
most important contemporary debates over U.S. military policy.
Drawing on leading thinkers in the field and using key examples from Malaya, the
Hannah Gurman is an assistant professor at New York University ’s
Gallatin School of Individualized Study. She writes on the politics, economics,
and culture of U.S.
diplomacy and military conflict for Salon, the Huffington
Post, and Foreign Policy in Focus, among other
publications. She is the author ofThe
Dissent Papers: The Voices of Diplomats in the Cold War and Beyond.
She lives in New York City .
Contributors:
Karl Hack on Malaya
Vina A. Lanzona on the
Hannah Gurman on Vietnam
Joaquín M. Chávez on
Rick Rowley on
David Enders on Iraq Jeremy Kuzmarov on
Jean MacKenzie on
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