OMNI
CLASS NEWSLETTER #1,
3-5-20.
Compiled by Dick Bennett for a Culture of Peace,
Justice, and Ecology
CONTENTS: CLASS NEWSLETTER #1
Class and Class Conflict
Hedges,The Antagonism Between
the Rich and the Rest of Us
The Ruling Class Rules
Chomsky, Middle Class or
Working Class?
Jim Wallis, God and Class Warfare
The Rich
Dangl, Billionaire Boom
Dick, Classless USA
Sloan, Gated Communities
The Workers and the Poor
Nancy Isenberg, White Poor in
US History
David Ranney, Factory Workers
Joe Bageant, Redneck USA
Jim Wallis, Sojourners,
Christianity for the Poor
Race and Class
Steven Hahn, Review of Four
Books
Resistance
Yates, Working Class Can
Change the World
TEXTS
CLASS and CLASS
CONFLICT
By Chris Hedges, Truthdig. Reprinted in Popular Resistance.org
(3-4-20). Aristotle, Niccolò
Machiavelli, Alexis de Tocqueville, Adam Smith and Karl Marx grounded their
philosophies in the understanding that there is a natural antagonism between
the rich and the rest of us. The interests of the rich are not our interests.
The truths of the rich are not our truths. The lives of the rich are not our
lives. -more-
“The ruling class does rule.” Mronline.org (7-24-19).
Throughout the mid-20th century,
discussions and theoretical debates concerning the nature of the capitalist
state persisted within Marxist circles. Some names are tightly connected with
these events, including Ralph Miliband, Nicos Poulantzas, and Fred Block.
Noam Chomsky: America Hates Its Poor
Chris Steele, Zuccotti Park Press
Excerpt: "We don't use the term 'working class' here because it's a taboo term. You're supposed to say 'middle class,' because it helps diminish the understanding that there's a class war going on."
READ MORE
Chris Steele, Zuccotti Park Press
Excerpt: "We don't use the term 'working class' here because it's a taboo term. You're supposed to say 'middle class,' because it helps diminish the understanding that there's a class war going on."
READ MORE
God and Class Warfare by Jim
Wallis, SojoMail 09.22.11
|Sojourners SojoMail@sojo.net via uark.edu to jbennet
The hot phrase in Washington, D.C., this week is "class warfare."
Paul Ryan, John Boehner, Mitch McConnell, and a host of
Republican presidential candidates have attacked President Barack Obama as a
class warrior because he has suggested that the wealthiest individuals in the
country, along with the largest corporations, should pay what he calls their
"fair share" of the costs of both deficit reduction and putting
Americans back to work.
Well, let's be clear: There really is a class war going on,
and the upper class is winning.
As former President Bill Clinton also pointed out this week,
90 percent of income gains in the last decade went to the top 10 percent, and
40 percent of the increased wealth went to the top 1 percent. The middle class
has lost ground in the same period. And we can now say that the only growth in this
economy seems to be the skyrocketing poverty figures that the Census Bureau
released last week. Almost 50 million Americans are now in poverty -- the
highest rate in 50 years, including 22 percent of all our children -- in this
the richest country in the world.
Let's put it another way: The only people doing well in this
economy are the people at the very top, some of whose selfish behavior caused
this recession in the first place. Only they have "recovered" from
the crisis they helped create. The rest of us are still trying to recover.
That's a war being waged by Wall Street against Main Street . And Wall Street is winning
that war.
But when anybody talks about fairness or equity or morality in economics, or when anyone even
begins to challenge the greatest inequality since the 1920s, they are quickly
accused of engaging in "class warfare." So why is it when the top 1
percent of the country controls 42 percent of the nation's financial wealth --
more than 90 percent of the rest of us -- and the ratio of CEO pay to average
workers salaries is 400 to 1, it is NOT class warfare? Yet simply calling for a
return of the highest-end tax rates to the 1990s levels IS?
Imagine a bomber pilot cruising high above the clouds,
utterly destroying a city below him. After much devastation, a kid with a sling
shot hurls a stone at the airplane that is leveling his city and community. The
stone pings on the fuselage and the pilot becomes indignant. "These people
are engaged in warfare," he exclaims. "Who do they think they are?
This kind of behavior will divide people and is just irresponsible!"
Wall Street has been devastating Main Street for some time. And when the
politicians -- most of them bought by Wall Street -- say nothing, it's called
"responsible economics." But when somebody, anybody, complains about
people suffering and that the political deck in official Washington has been stacked in favor of Wall
Street, the accusation of class warfare quickly emerges. "Just who do
these people think they are," they ask. The truth is that the people
screaming about class warfare this week aren't really concerned about the
warfare. They're just concerned that their class -- or the class that has
bought and paid for their political careers -- continues to win the war.
So where is God in
all of this? Is God into class warfare? No, of course not. God really does love
us all, sinners and saints alike, rich and poor, mansion dwellers and ghetto
residents. But the God of the Bible has a special concern for the poor and is
openly suspicious of the rich. And if that is not clear in the Bible, nothing
is.
You might say when it comes to economics, God has a bias
toward the poor. God's prophets say that nations will be judged by how they
treat the poor and vulnerable -- not by how much they lower tax rates for the
wealthy. Listen to what the prophets Amos, Micah, Isaiah, and Jeremiah say
about the rich and the poor, about fairness and justice, about inequality and
equity. Is there any doubt that if the biblical prophets were saying such things
in the House of Representatives or on Fox News today that they, too, would all
be accused of class warfare?
What about Jesus?
Mary, the mother of Jesus, spoke clearly about his coming and his meaning
in history when she prophesied about his mission in her famous prayer/song
known as the Magnificat. She predicts how the child in her womb will reverse
the status quo, saying, "He has brought down rulers from their thrones but
has lifted up the humble. He has filled the hungry with good things and sent the
rich away empty." These are not the words of a humble and charitable
service provider, but the language of a social revolutionary who would
certainly be charged with class warfare today on conservative talk radio.
Jesus fulfilled
his mother's prophesy in his own Nazareth Manifesto -- his first words, in Luke
4 -- by saying, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has
anointed me to bring good news to the poor." He clearly should have been
more sensitive to the rich who, after all, are job creators, right? How did all
the prophets and Jesus miss that essential economic point?
In 2008, the wealthiest 400 Americans on average paid only
18 percent of their income in taxes. But they (and their political
representatives) continue to angrily push back against the so-called
"Buffett Rule," which would require wealthy people to at least pay
taxes at rates closer to what their secretaries and other employees do.
"Class warfare might make for good politics, but it
makes for rotten economics," Rep. Paul
Ryan said on "Fox News Sunday" earlier this week.
But, according to a new report by the International Monetary
Fund, Ryan is just wrong. The IMF report says the widening income gap is bad
for economic recovery. Growing income inequality actually hinders economic
growth, and reducing economic inequality actually helps spur the economy, the
report found.
The IMF study concluded that a 10 percent decrease in
inequality actually increased the expected economic growth by 50 percent.
"Sustainable economic reform," the authors write, "is possible
only when its benefits are widely shared."
So the call for economic fairness -- what Paul Ryan decries as "class
warfare" -- may not be "rotten economics" at all but, in fact,
rather good economics, as well as good morality.
Maybe God has a point.
Jim Wallis is the author of Rediscovering
Values: A Guide for Economic and Moral Recovery, and CEO of Sojourners.
He blogs at www.godspolitics.com. Follow Jim on Twitter @JimWallis.
THE RICH
The Billionaire
Boom: 82% of Global Wealth Produced Last Year Went to Richest 1% by
Ben Dangl – CounterPunch/Transcend Media Service.
25
Jan 2018 – Across the world, poor people’s labor fuels the rising concentration
of wealth. “Dangerous, poorly paid work for the many is supporting extreme
wealth for the few,” Oxfam
explained. “Women are in the worst
work, and almost all the super-rich
are men.
CONTROL OF LANGUAGE USA
RULERS RULE CLASS REALITY
OWNING
PROPERTY
PROFIT
MONEY
CONTROL OF LANGUAGE
CONTROL OF MEDIA
CONTROL OF EDUCATION
MYTH OF CLASSLESS USA
PROPAGANDA
DIVERSION
OBFUSCATION
MYSTIFICATION
BRIBERY
LOBBYING
LYING
BLURRING
WORKING CLASS
CLASS
Working Class
Class
c…….
Myth of Class Extinguished, We’re
all in this together. --D
SAFE IN SUBURBIA (2016)
By Gerry Sloan
We
guarantee that nothing untoward
will
happen here in the precincts
of
the privileged, no riots or mass
demonstrations, no suspicious
persons
lurking
around, envious of your slice
of the
people's pie, the police forever
on your
side with lawmakers bought
and paid
for, any guilt spread thin
as Jiffy
peanut butter and sweetened
with government-subsidized corn syrup.
WORKERS AND THE
POOR
Available June 21, 2016
OFFICIAL BOOK
DESCRIPTION:
In her groundbreaking
history of the class system in America, extending from colonial times to the
present, Nancy Isenberg takes on our comforting myths about equality,
uncovering the crucial legacy of the ever-present, always embarrassing––if
occasionally entertaining––poor white trash
The wretched and
landless poor have existed from the time of the earliest British colonial
settlement. They were alternately known as “waste people,” “offals,” “rubbish,”
“lazy lubbers,” and “crackers.” By the 1850s, the downtrodden included
so-called “clay eaters” and “sandhillers,” known for prematurely aged children
distinguished by their yellowish skin, ragged clothing, and listless minds.
Surveying political
rhetoric and policy, popular literature and scientific theories over four
hundred years, Isenberg upends assumptions about America’s supposedly
class-free society––where liberty and hard work were meant to ensure real
social mobility. Poor whites were central to the rise of the Republican Party
in the early nineteenth century, and the Civil War itself was fought over class
issues nearly as much as it was fought over slavery. Reconstruction pitted poor
white trash against newly freed slaves, which factored in the rise of
eugenics–-a widely popular movement embraced by Theodore Roosevelt that
targeted poor whites for sterilization. These poor were at the heart of New Deal
reforms and LBJ’s Great Society; they haunt us in reality TV shows like Here
Comes Honey Boo Boo and Duck Dynasty. Marginalized as a class, white trash have
always been at or near the center of major political debates over the character
of the American identity.
We acknowledge racial
injustice as an ugly stain on our nation’s history. With Isenberg’s landmark
book, we will have to face the truth about the enduring, malevolent nature of
class as well.
PRAISE:
“A magisterial study of the unjustly neglected poor
whites who have helped to compose the American identity in crucial
fashion…breathtaking social history and dazzling cultural analysis at its
best.”
—Michael Eric Dyson,
author of Holler if You Hear Me and The Black
Presidency
"With characteristically deep research and
provocative insights, Nancy Isenberg reveals the pivotal role of the white poor
in American history…White Trash will change the way we think about our past and
present." —T.J. Stiles,
Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Custer's Trials
“A bold, colorful, and necessary book about one of the
oldest—and most disturbing—themes in American history." —Edward L. Ayers, author of The Promise of the
New South
“This sweeping and erudite assault on the myth of a
classless America illuminates the persistence of ‘waste’ people in American
political ideology and popular culture…Nancy Isenberg makes the spirited case
that…a feared and despised underclass has been a defining characteristic of
America since its earliest settlement. “
—Amy
Greenberg,
FACTORY WORKERS
David
Ranney
|
DESCRIPTION
|
David
Ranney's vivid memoir describes his work experiences between 1976 and 1982 in
the factories of southeast Chicago and northwest Indiana. The book opens with
a detailed description of what it was like to live and work in one of the
heaviest industrial concentrations in the world. The author takes the reader
on a walk through the heart of the South Side of Chicago, observing the noise,
heavy traffic, the 24-hour restaurants and bars, the rich diversity of people
on the streets at all hours of the day and night, and the smell of the highly
polluted air.
Factory
life includes stints at a machine shop, a shortening factory, a railroad car
factory, a structural steel shop, a box factory, a chemical plant, and a
paper cup factory. Along the way there is a wildcat strike, an immigration
raid, shop-floor actions protesting supervisor abuses, serious injuries, a
failed effort to unionize, and a murder. Ranney's emphasis is on race and
class relations, working conditions, environmental issues, and broader social
issues in the 1970s that impacted the shop floor.
Forty
years later, the narrator returns to Chicago's South Side to reveal what happened
to the communities, buildings, and the companies that had inhabited
them. Living and Dying on the Factory Floor concludes with
discussions on the nature of work; racism, race, and class; the use of
immigration policy for social control; and our ability to create a just
society.
|
|
PRAISE
|
"David Ranney's is
our best account of the New Left's turn to the factory and other workplaces
in the seventies. Reading in some parts like a novel, it introduces us to a
remarkable cast of working-class characters, while offering a refreshingly
critical look at his own experiences. We get compelling views of factory
work, including the physical dangers and injuries that came with it, as well
as a better understanding of a range of New Left organizing efforts. With the
experience of a radical organizer and the insights of a very good social
scientist, Ranney writes with particular sensitivity about race relations in
the workplace."
----James R. Barrett, author of History
from the Bottom Up & the Inside Out: Ethnicity, Race, and Identity in
Working-Class History
"Apart from its
merits as literature-it made me laugh and weep-Dave's account of and
reflections upon his experience working in the southeast Chicago/northwest
Indiana region is valuable to young activists for at least three reasons: 1)
It provides information about the nature and significance of the point of
production to a generation that has no more knowledge of what it was like
than would a Martian. 2) It offers an example of persistence to a generation
that tends to measure commitment in days or weeks rather than years or a
lifetime. 3) It shows the possibility of personal transformation, both in
those like Dave who set out consciously to change the world and in those he
met in the course of his efforts to do so-transformation which is, after all,
the whole point."
----Noel Ignatiev, author of How
the Irish Became White
"David Ranney has
produced a riveting memoir of his years working industrial jobs on the
southeast side of Chicago. Compellingly written and thought provoking, Living
and Dying on the Factory Floor brings to life the daily realities of
race, class, and gender in an urban community on the brink of joining the
rust belt. Ranney pairs vivid depictions of everyday forms of social struggle
with timely reflections on the political implications for contemporary
readers. This book will be required reading for the next generation of
radicals, particularly those hoping to understand how we arrived at the
postindustrial 'gig economy,' and how we dismantle it and construct a truly
free society."
----Michael Staudenmaier, author of Truth
and Revolution: A History of the Sojourner Truth Organization, 1969-1986
|
CONTRIBUTORS
|
David
Ranney is professor emeritus in the College of Urban Planning and Public
Affairs at the University of Illinois Chicago. Ranney has also been a factory
worker, a labor and community organizer, and an activist academic. He is the
author of four books and more than a hundred journal articles, book chapters,
and monographs on issues of employment, labor and community organizing, and
U.S. trade policy. His two most recent books are Global Decisions,
Local Collisions: Urban Life in the New World Order and New
World Disorder: The Decline of U.S. Power. In addition to his writing, he
gives lectures on economic policy and politics and also finds time to be an
actor and director in a small community theatre.
|
More
Joe Bageant. "Rainbow
Pie: A Redneck Memoir."
Here's
some deep insight into Trumps' army of supporters. Joe Bageant ("Deer
Hunting with Jesus") died last year but not before leaving us with "Rainbow
Pie: A Redneck Memoir." The following is from a
review of that book. Forwarded by Bob
Billig.
With this ‚Memoir of Redneck America’ I wanted to read something very much off my beaten path. What a surprise to see that it led me squarely into a familiar thicket. Rainbow Pie is not a sober memoir, but an indignant requiem for a way of life that has altogether vanished … and that some are trying to rekindle today. Joe Bageant was raised in the 1950s in a rural community in the Shenandoah Valley, West Virginia. Life was frugal and devoted to simple duties and community life. It was embedded in an ancient ecology „that blended labour, money and goods to sustain a modest and satisfactory life for all”. Community and economy seamlessly meshed. Neighbors „banded together to make lard and apple butter, put up feed corn, bale hay, thresh wheat, pick apples and plough snow off roads. One neighbor cut hair; another mended shoes. From birth to grave, you needed neighbors and they needed you.” Money didn’t play a key role in people’s lives. You needed some to make do, but in essence this was „an economy whose currency was the human calorie”.
In the space of a few decades, this „real community of shared labour towards the shared good” has given way to a „synthetic, petroleum-based commodity economy”. Bageant considers the loss of the yeoman agrarian tradition a true American tragedy: „We have been paid back for our disregard of that tradition and the uprooting of its souls in surprising and often chilling ways. Creating an underclass of throwaway laborers, and sub-prime mortgage and credit-card debt slaves has its blowback - in the form of inexplicable heartland school shootings, backwoods and trailer-court meth labs, or Timothy McVeigh’s Murrah Center bombing in Tulsa.” In Arendt’s terms: the ‚homo faber’ has been degraded to an ‚animal laborans’: „ignorant, under-educated; given to unhealthy vices such as smoking and alcohol; underpaid; semi-literate; misinformed; given to crude entertainments; (…); disposable as a labor force, quick to violent solutions; easily misled; simple-minded in world view; superstitious; and poor in parenting and social skills.”
This cultural sea change wasn’t an accident. Neither was it an invisible hand that led American society into its current predicament. Bageant argues that the creation of a (white) underclass was carefully orchestrated by the country’s economic and political elites. The whole point being the ready availability of a cheap workforce and docile cannon fodder to fight the corpocracy’s wars. To get there they squeezed the farmers and small businessmen in local communities to death, dismantled unions, rigged the tax system to suit their own needs, and carpet-bombed the American psyche with corporate and state-media imagery. The result is an underclass that doesn’t even realize that their country has been looted. The odds to ever make a decent living and gain some respect have been stacked heavily against them.
With this ‚Memoir of Redneck America’ I wanted to read something very much off my beaten path. What a surprise to see that it led me squarely into a familiar thicket. Rainbow Pie is not a sober memoir, but an indignant requiem for a way of life that has altogether vanished … and that some are trying to rekindle today. Joe Bageant was raised in the 1950s in a rural community in the Shenandoah Valley, West Virginia. Life was frugal and devoted to simple duties and community life. It was embedded in an ancient ecology „that blended labour, money and goods to sustain a modest and satisfactory life for all”. Community and economy seamlessly meshed. Neighbors „banded together to make lard and apple butter, put up feed corn, bale hay, thresh wheat, pick apples and plough snow off roads. One neighbor cut hair; another mended shoes. From birth to grave, you needed neighbors and they needed you.” Money didn’t play a key role in people’s lives. You needed some to make do, but in essence this was „an economy whose currency was the human calorie”.
In the space of a few decades, this „real community of shared labour towards the shared good” has given way to a „synthetic, petroleum-based commodity economy”. Bageant considers the loss of the yeoman agrarian tradition a true American tragedy: „We have been paid back for our disregard of that tradition and the uprooting of its souls in surprising and often chilling ways. Creating an underclass of throwaway laborers, and sub-prime mortgage and credit-card debt slaves has its blowback - in the form of inexplicable heartland school shootings, backwoods and trailer-court meth labs, or Timothy McVeigh’s Murrah Center bombing in Tulsa.” In Arendt’s terms: the ‚homo faber’ has been degraded to an ‚animal laborans’: „ignorant, under-educated; given to unhealthy vices such as smoking and alcohol; underpaid; semi-literate; misinformed; given to crude entertainments; (…); disposable as a labor force, quick to violent solutions; easily misled; simple-minded in world view; superstitious; and poor in parenting and social skills.”
This cultural sea change wasn’t an accident. Neither was it an invisible hand that led American society into its current predicament. Bageant argues that the creation of a (white) underclass was carefully orchestrated by the country’s economic and political elites. The whole point being the ready availability of a cheap workforce and docile cannon fodder to fight the corpocracy’s wars. To get there they squeezed the farmers and small businessmen in local communities to death, dismantled unions, rigged the tax system to suit their own needs, and carpet-bombed the American psyche with corporate and state-media imagery. The result is an underclass that doesn’t even realize that their country has been looted. The odds to ever make a decent living and gain some respect have been stacked heavily against them.
ON THE GOD'S POLITICS BLOG, SOJOURNERS
+ See what's new on the blog of Jim
Wallis and friends
E.g.: Requiem for Republicans by Duane Shank
Earlier this month, former Senator Charles Percy of Illinois passed away.
Along with former Sen. Mark Hatfield of Oregon ,
who died a month ago, they represented the last vestiges of an era of moderate
Republicans, for whom what was best for the country was more important than
promoting an ideology.
Too Poor to Die? by Duane Shank
Every time I think I've exhausted my outrage capacity, I see
something new to refuel it. Forty-six million Americans live in poverty and 22
million are unemployed or have less than full-time employment.
+ Click to continue
SOJOURNERS IN THE NEWS
Isaiah 58 talks about a fast that
loosens the bonds of wickedness. It undoes the straps of the heavy yokes that
keep people oppressed and let them go free.
Jim Wallis Rebuts False Accusations from Religious Right
Faith in Public Life
Sojourner's Jim Wallis, a member of the Circle and a vocal
advocate for a moral budget….
Progressive Evangelical Jim Wallis Agrees Debt Is Moral
Issue
The Christian Post
In an interview with The Christian Post, Wallis, CEO of
Sojourners, asserted that the Christian anti-poverty coalition, Americans see
God in the economy, survey finds
Deseret News
The Post put the survey in a context of the politicians
debating what lessons they "should draw from religion to address issues
such as the nation's deficit." For example, the Sojourners evangelical
group want a shared sacrifice to help the poor.
CLASS AND RACE in DIVIDED USA
A REVIEW OF 4 BOOKS
Steven Hahn. “The Rage of White Folk: How the silent
majority became a loud and angry minority.”
The Nation (Oct. 16,
2017).
The books: Vance, Hillbilly Elegy; Isemberg. White Trash: The 400 Year Untold History of
Class in America; Anderson, White
Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide; Gest, The New Minority: White Working Class Politics in an Age of Immigration
and Inequality.
RESISTANCE
New!
"Can the Working Class Change the World?" by Michael D. Yates
|
END CLASS
NEWSLETTER #1
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