Friday, October 14, 2016


Compiled by Dick Bennett for a Culture of Peace and Justice.  
(#1 December 27, 2012; #2 May 25, 2014)

What’s at stake:  An American Nuremberg might remind us that we are not only consumers but citizens—of this country and of the world.  Owning up to our own and our government’s failures and crimes in the war on terror might restore our hope that we run our country.  Gordon, American Nuremberg

#1 and #2 are at the end.

Contents of US Lawlessness Newsletter #3
US War Crimes (see related OMNI newsletters listed at end)
Rebecca Gordon, American Nuremberg: The U.S. Officials Who Should
     Stand Trial for Post-9-11 War Crimes.
Blum:  US War Crimes against Iraq
Swanson, World Beyond War:  Pledge to Oppose US Aggression and Other War
Dick:  Andrew Bacevich,  America’s War for the Greater Middle East (for = to control their oil)

US Surveillance vs. Bill of Rights, 4th Amendment, Privacy, International
Snowden’s NSA Files (also see Assange, Wikipedia, Manning newsletters)
    Glenn Greenwald, No Place to Hide
    Luke Harding, The Snowden Files
    Prupis, NSA’s Own Google

What Can We Do? 
Contact Our Representatives from House to White House
OMNI Newsletters and Reports on US Lawlessness and How to Find Them
Continue and Expand These Lawlessness Newsletters (combined, the 3 already published make a book)

Anyone ignorant of US lawlessness (thinks US a nation of exceptional virtue) has chosen not to read, listen, watch, think.

American Nuremberg:  The U.S. Officials Who Should Stand Trial for Post-9/11 War Crimes by Rebecca Gordon (2016)

No subject is more hotly debated than the extreme measures that our government has taken after 9/11 in the name of national security. Torture, extraordinary rendition, drone assassinations, secret detention centers (or “black sites”), massive surveillance of citizens. But while the press occasionally exposes the dark side of the war on terror and congressional investigators sometimes raise alarms about the abuses committed by U.S. intelligence agencies and armed forces, no high U.S. official has been prosecuted for these violations – which many legal observers around the world consider war crimes.

The United States helped establish the international principles guiding the prosecution of war crimes – starting with the Nuremberg tribunal following World War II, when Nazi officials were held accountable for their crimes against humanity. But the American government and legal system have consistently refused to apply these same principles to our own officials. Now Rebecca Gordon takes on the explosive task of “indicting” the officials who – in a just society – should be put on trial for war crimes. Some might dismiss this as a symbolic exercise. But what is at stake here is the very soul of the nation.

Google Search, 10-13-16

American Nuremberg - Skyhorse Publishing
Apr 5, 2016 - Now Rebecca Gordon takes on the explosive task of “indicting” the ...American Nuremberg The U.S. Officials Who Should Stand Trial for ...

American Nuremberg by Rebecca Gordon - Counterpunch
Apr 26, 2016 - The Fearless Voice of the American ... American Nuremberg by Rebecca Gordon ... American Nightmare: the Criminal, Justice System.

American Nuremberg: Putting Washington's War Criminals on Trial ...
Berkeley Daily Planet
Jul 8, 2016 - The purpose of American Nuremberg is laid out in the subtitle: "The US Officials Who ... But the photo has been updated for Gordon's book.

Tomgram: Rebecca Gordon, American War Crimes, Yesterday, Today,_american_wa...
Jan 7, 2016 - Tomgram: Rebecca Gordon, American War Crimes, Yesterday, Today, ..... States and the forthcoming American Nuremberg: The U.S. Officials ...

AUDIO - American Nuremberg: Dr. Rebecca Gordon on Bringing Bush
Apr 22, 2016 - Uploaded by The World Meets America Report/w William Kern
April 22, 2016: The World Meets America Report spoke to Dr. Rebecca Gordon about her new book American ...

The American Nuremberg - YouTube
Apr 6, 2016 - Uploaded by Watching the Hawks RT
Rebecca Gordon, author “American Nuremberg,” joins us in the Hawk's Nest from San Francisco to discuss who ...

About the author | Mainstreaming Torture
Rebecca Gordon received her B.A. from Reed College and her M.Div. and ... Her latest book, American Nuremberg: The Officials Who Should Stand Trial

Putting on Trial Those Responsible for US War Crimes - WhoWhatWhy
Apr 8, 2016 - In her recent book, American Nuremberg, Gordon names the people who helped facilitate America's torture and assassination programs.

The Anti-Empire Report #143
By William Blum, February 5th, 2016

William Blum, “We should never forget”
The modern, educated, advanced nation of Iraq was reduced to a virtual failed state … the United States, beginning in 1991, bombed for much of the following 12 years, with one dubious excuse after another; then, in 2003, invaded, then occupied, overthrew the government, tortured without inhibition, killed wantonly … the people of that unhappy land lost everything – their homes, their schools, their electricity, their clean water, their environment, their neighborhoods, their mosques, their archaeology, their jobs, their careers, their professionals, their state-run enterprises, their physical health, their mental health, their health care, their welfare state, their women’s rights, their religious tolerance, their safety, their security, their children, their parents, their past, their present, their future, their lives … More than half the population either dead, wounded, traumatized, in prison, internally displaced, or in foreign exile … The air, soil, water, blood, and genes drenched with depleted uranium … the most awful birth defects … unexploded cluster bombs lying in wait for children to pick them up … a river of blood running alongside the Euphrates and Tigris … through a country that may never be put back together again … “It is a common refrain among war-weary Iraqis,” reported theWashington Post in 2007, that things were better before the U.S.-led invasion in 2003.”
The United States has not paid any compensation to Iraq.
The United States has not made any apology to Iraq.
Foreign policy is even more sensitive a subject in the United States than slavery of the black people and genocide of the Native Americans. The US has apologized for these many times, but virtually never for the crimes of American foreign policy. 
In 2014, George W. Bush, the man most responsible for this holocaust, was living a quiet life in Texas, with a focus on his paintings. “I’m trying to leave something behind”, he said. 
Yes, he has certainly done that – mountains of rubble for one thing; rubble that once was cities and towns. His legacy also includes the charming Islamic State. Ah, but Georgie Boy is an artiste.
We need a trial to judge all those who bear significant responsibility for the past century - the most murderous and ecologically destructive in human history. We could call it the war, air and fiscal crimes tribunal and we could put politicians and CEOs and major media owners in the dock with earphones like Eichmann and make them listen to the evidence of how they killed millions of people and almost murdered the planet and made most of us far more miserable than we needed to be. Of course, we wouldn’t have time to go after them one by one. We’d have to lump Wall Street investment bankers in one trial, the Council on Foreign Relations in another, and any remaining Harvard Business School or Yale Law graduates in a third. We don’t need this for retribution, only for edification. So there would be no capital punishment, but rather banishment to an overseas Nike factory with a vow of perpetual silence. – Sam Smith 
On March 2, 2014 US Secretary of State John Kerry condemned Russia’s “incredible act of aggression” in Ukraine. “You just don’t in the 21st century behave in 19th century fashion by invading another country on completely trumped up pretext.”
Iraq 2003 was in the 21st century. The pretext was completely trumped up. Senator John Kerry voted for it. Nice moral authority you have there, John.
On the same occasion, concerning Ukraine, President Obama spoke of “the principle that no country has the right to send in troops to another country unprovoked”.  Do our leaders have no memory or do they think we’ve all lost ours?
Does Obama avoid prosecuting the Bush-Cheney gang because he wants to have the same rights to commit war crimes? The excuse he gives for his inaction is so lame that if George W. had used it people would not hesitate to laugh. On about five occasions, in reply to questions about why his administration has not prosecuted the like of Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, et al. for mass murder, torture and other war crimes, former law professor Obama has stated: “I prefer to look forward rather than backwards.” Picture a defendant before a judge asking to be found innocent on such grounds. It simply makes laws, law enforcement, crime, justice, and facts irrelevant. Picture Chelsea Manning and other whistleblowers using this argument. Picture the reaction to this by Barack Obama, who has become the leading persecutor of whistleblowers in American history.
Noam Chomsky has observed: “If the Nuremberg laws were applied, then every post-war American president would have been hanged.”
It appears that the German and Japanese people only relinquished their imperial culture and mindset when they were bombed back to the stone age during World War II. Something similar may be the only cure for the same pathology that is embedded into the very social fabric of the United States. The US is now a full-blown pathological society. There is no other wonder drug to deal with American-exceptionalism-itis.

US Appeal to World: Help Us Resist U.S. Crimes

World Beyond War  5-18-16 (WBW was founded by David Swanson, check out his books))

Since the end of the Cold War, the United States of America has systematically violated the prohibition against the threat or use of force contained in the UN Charter and the Kellogg Briand Pact. It has carved out a regime of impunity for its crimes based on its UN Security Council veto, non-recognition of international courts and sophisticated "information warfare" that undermines the rule of law with political justifications for otherwise illegal threats and uses of force.

Former Nuremberg prosecutor Benjamin B. Ferencz has compared current U.S. policy to the illegal German "preemptive first strike" policy for which senior German officials were convicted of aggression at Nuremberg and sentenced to death by hanging.

In 2002, the late U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy described post-September 11th U.S. doctrine as "a call for 21st century American imperialism that no other nation can or should accept." And yet the U.S. government has succeeded in assembling alliances and ad hoc "coalitions" to support threats and attacks on a series of targeted countries, while other countries have stood by silently or vacillated in their efforts to uphold international law. In effect, the U.S. has pursued a successful diplomatic policy of "divide and conquer" to neutralize global opposition to wars that have killed about 2 million people and plunged country after country into intractable chaos.

As representatives of civil society in the United States, the undersigned U.S. citizens and advocacy groups are sending this emergency appeal to our neighbors in our increasingly interconnected but threatened world. 
We ask you to stop providing military, diplomatic or political support for U.S. threats or uses of force; and to support new initiatives for multilateral cooperation and leadership, not dominated by the United States, to respond to aggression and settle international disputes peacefully as required by the UN Charter.

We pledge to support and cooperate with international efforts to stand up to and stop our country's systematic aggression and other war crimes. We believe that a world united to uphold the UN Charter, the rule of international law and our common humanity can and must enforce U.S. compliance with the rule of law to bring lasting peace to the world we all share.

This petition will be sent to all the world's national governments. 

Click here to sign as an individual.

Click here to sign as an organization that you are authorized to sign on behalf of.

After signing the petition, please use the tools on the next webpage to share it with your friends.

US War of Aggression to Control Greater Middle East Oil

"To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an international crime, it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole."
- Robert H. Jackson, U.S. Prosecutor, Nuremberg Military Tribunal 

Andrew Bacevich.  America’s War for the Greater Middle EastPresident Jimmy Carter provides the beginning of this comprehensive narrative of US lawlessness in the Middle East.  “However unwittingly, Carter…inaugurated America’s War for the Greater Middle East, compounding rather than reversing the errors he had inherited.  With no end in sight and little prospect of achieving success, that war continues to the present day” (xxii). 
      Chapter One, “War of Choice,” tells the story.  Until the 1970s, not the Pentagon, the White House, or Congress planned to militarize US ME policy. The Cold War and Vietnam War had preoccupied those leaders.  The US had looked to ME proxy nations to ensure the flow of oil westward.   
     All that changed when Jimmy Carter became president.  Carter campaigned for freedom, peace, and human rights.  But OPEC’s increasing power was shifting alignments.  A group of hawks led by Robert W. Tucker and Edward Luttwak had been urging US “armed intervention in the Arab World” to take “our” oil (6-8).  And the Iranian revolution in 1979 overthrew the Shah, whom the US had imposed on that country after the CIA had arranged the overthrow of its elected leader.
     New advocates of making the Persian Gulf a high U.S. military priority (Paul Wolfowitz, Albert Wohlstetter) were becoming influential (16-17).  Carter’s national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, supported intervention.  Carter resisted, questioning whether the nation’s fate was bound to OPEC, including his 7-15-79 malaise speech arguing for peace and spiritual renewal, but he was not persuasive.  Wolfowitz’ argument that the US should use soldiers rather than diplomats to secure its interests prevailed; the nation chose access to oil; Iranian students captured the US embassy in Tehran and students burned embassies in Pakistan and Libya; and Carter “took his country to war.” 
      “So in January 1980, [the nation] embarked upon a war for oil, which was in its way a war to preserve the American way of life” (32).  The Truman Doctrine became the Carter Doctrine, encompassing all threats large and small and “generically referred to as “’terrorists.’”        

The files reveal violations of the Bill of Rights so extreme that the damage to our Bill of Rights and democracy seems irrevocable.  Glenn Greenwald writes:  “The government tried to justify the secret NSA program by invoking exactly the kind of extreme theory of executive power that had motivated me to begin writing:  the notion that the threat of terrorism vested the president with virtually unlimited authority to do anything to ‘keep the nation safe,’ including the authority to break the law” (pp. 1-2, No Place to Hide).  [--Dick]

 Snowden’s Story, Behind the Scenes

At the beginning of his book on Snowden, Glenn Greenwald accuses President Obama of having committed crimes, among others, of illegal wiretapping, issuing general warrants, and particularly permitting surveillance on the Internet, “subjecting virtually all forms of human interaction, planning, and even thought itself to comprehensive state examination,” and he “should be held accountable for them.” 

No Place to Hide, by Glenn Greenwald

The title of the journalist Glenn Greenwald’s impassioned new book, “No Place to Hide,” comes from a chilling observation made in 1975 by Senator Frank Church, then chairman of a select committee on intelligence. The United States government, he said, had perfected “a technological capability that enables us to monitor the messages that go through the air.” That capability, he added, could at any time “be turned around on the American people, and no American would have any privacy left, such is the capability to monitor everything: telephone conversations, telegrams, it doesn’t matter. There would be no place to hide.”
That was nearly 40 years ago, and as the documents leaked last year by the former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden revealed, the N.S.A.’s ability to spy on our daily lives has grown exponentially to Orwellian proportions. The documents provided by Mr. Snowden revealed that the agency has an ability to monitor or collect information from hundreds of millions of people around the globe, that it has broken into the communications links of major data centers across the world, that it has circumvented or cracked much of the encryption that protects sensitive data on the Internet, and that, according to its own records, it has broken privacy laws or exceeded its authority thousands of times a year. The first journalist Mr. Snowden approached by email was Glenn Greenwald, a columnist for The Guardian and former constitutional lawyer who had frequently written about civil liberties, the dangers of enhanced executive power, and surveillance abuses in post-Sept. 11 America. (Mr. Greenwald has since left The Guardian to work with Pierre Omidyar, the founder of eBay, on building a new media venture, which includes the news site The Intercept, of which Mr. Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill are founding editors.)
In “No Place to Hide,” Mr. Greenwald recounts the story of how he and Ms. Poitras, a documentary filmmaker, traveled to Hong Kong to meet with Mr. Snowden and the race to publish articles based on the documents he provided, all the while fearful of authorities’ closing in. The outlines of this story will be familiar to readers who followed it in real time last year, and to readers of the recent book “The Snowden Files” (by the Guardian reporter Luke Harding), just as much of the material here about the N.S.A. will be familiar to readers of articles that have appeared in The Guardian (many with Mr. Greenwald’s byline), The Washington Post and The New York Times.
“No Place to Hide” is enlivened by reproductions of dozens of fascinating documents from the Snowden archive that help illustrate the N.S.A.’s methodology and that showcase its strange corporatelike boosterism (complete with sometimes corny graphics). And Mr. Greenwald fleshes out his portrait of Mr. Snowden with fresh observations from their exchanges. He amplifies our understanding of the N.S.A.’s sweeping ambitions, methods and global reach, and provides detailed insights into what he calls the agency’s “corporate partnerships,” which “extend beyond intelligence and defense contractors to include the world’s largest and most important Internet corporations and telecoms.”
For instance, the agency’s Stormbrew program, Mr. Greenwald writes, “gives the N.S.A. access to Internet and telephone traffic that enters the United States at various ‘choke points’ on U.S. soil. It exploits the fact that the vast majority of the world’s Internet traffic at some point flows through the U.S. communications infrastructure — a residual by-product of the central role that the United States had played in developing the network.” According to the N.S.A., he says, Stormbrew “is currently comprised of very sensitive relationships with two U.S. telecom providers (cover terms ARTIFICE and WOLFPOINT)”; the identity of such corporate partners, he adds, “is one of the most closely guarded secrets in the N.S.A.”
Mr. Greenwald portrays Mr. Snowden — regarded by some as a heroic whistle-blower, by others as a traitor — as a courageous idealist who felt he needed to act on his beliefs. That outlook, Mr. Greenwald suggests, was partly shaped by books Mr. Snowden read growing up — Greek mythology and “The Hero With a Thousand Faces” by Joseph Campbell, which convinced Mr. Snowden that, in his own words, “it is we who infuse life with meaning through our actions and the stories we create with them.”
Mr. Snowden also confided “with a hint of embarrassment,” Mr. Greenwald writes, that video games had taught him certain lessons. As Mr. Snowden put it: “The protagonist is often an ordinary person, who finds himself faced with grave injustices from powerful forces and has the choice to flee in fear or to fight for his beliefs. And history also shows that seemingly ordinary people who are sufficiently resolute about justice can triumph over the most formidable adversaries.”
In the course of this book, Mr. Greenwald describes how he received his first communication from Mr. Snowden on Dec. 1, 2012, though he had no idea who it was from. The email came from someone calling himself Cincinnatus and urged Mr. Greenwald to begin using PGP encryption so that Cincinnatus could communicate with him securely. Busy with other projects, Mr. Greenwald procrastinated about installing the encryption program, and Mr. Snowden was only able to make contact with him months later, through Ms. Poitras.
According to Mr. Greenwald, Mr. Snowden would later describe his frustration: “Here am I ready to risk my liberty, perhaps even my life, to hand this guy thousands of Top Secret documents from the nation’s most secretive agency — a leak that will produce dozens if not hundreds of huge journalistic scoops. And he can’t even be bothered to install an encryption program.”
The most gripping sections of “No Place to Hide” recount Mr. Greenwald and Ms. Poitras’s 10-day trip to Hong Kong, where they and The Guardian’s veteran correspondent Ewen MacAskill met with Mr. Snowden in his hotel room. Mr. Greenwald describes the tradecraft they employed (removing batteries from their cellphones, or placing the phones in the minibar refrigerator) to avoid detection; his initial five-hour, litigatorlike grilling of Mr. Snowden; and the “giddy gallows humor” that later crept into their conversations (“I call the bottom bunk at Gitmo,” Mr. Snowden reportedly joked).
Mr. Greenwald writes that Mr. Snowden said one turning point in his decision to become a leaker came in 2010, when he was working as an N.S.A. contractor in J apan. “The stuff I saw really began to disturb me,” Mr. Snowden recalled. “I could watch drones in real time as they surveilled the people they might kill.” He added: “I watched N.S.A. tracking people’s Internet activities as they typed. I became aware of just how invasive U.S. surveillance capabilities had become. I realized the true breadth of this system. And almost nobody knew it was happening”
Substantial sections of this book deal not with Mr. Greenwald’s relationship with Mr. Snowden and the N.S.A., but with his combative view of “the establishment media,” which he has denounced for “glaring subservience to political power” and to which he condescends as inferior to his more activist kind of journalism.
In “No Place to Hide,” Mr. Greenwald is critical of the process by which publications like The Washington Post, The New York Times and The Guardian speak with government officials before publishing sensitive articles dealing with national security issues; he contends that this process allows the “government to control disclosures and minimize, even neuter, their impact.” He also makes self-dramatizing boasts about his own mission: “Only audacious journalism could give the story the power it needed to overcome the climate of fear the government had imposed on journalists and their sources.”
In one passage, Mr. Greenwald makes the demonstrably false assertion that one “unwritten rule designed to protect the government is that media outlets publish only a few such secret documents, and then stop,” that “they would report on an archive like Snowden’s so as to limit its impact — publish a handful of stories, revel in the accolades of a ‘big scoop,’ collect prizes, and then walk away, ensuring that nothing had really changed.” Many establishment media outlets obviously continue to pursue the Snowden story. Further, many of Mr. Greenwald’s gross generalizations about the establishment media do a terrible disservice to the many tenacious investigative reporters who have broken important stories on some of the very subjects like the war on terror and executive power that Mr. Greenwald feels so strongly about.
When Mr. Greenwald turns his fervor to the issue of surveillance and its implications for ordinary citizens’ civil liberties, he is far more credible. Sometimes eloquent. He places the N.S.A.’s current activities in historical perspective with the F.B.I.’s Cointelpro program to target political groups and individuals, begun in 1956 and ended in 1971. And he delivers a fierce argument in defense of the right of privacy, quoting the Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis’s famous dissent in the 1928 case Olmstead v. United States, of the founding fathers’ efforts “to protect Americans in their beliefs, their thoughts, their emotions and their sensations.”  The makers of our Constitution, Brandeis argued, conferred “the right to be let alone.”
Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State
By Glenn Greenwald
Illustrated. 259 pages. Metropolitan Books. $27.

The Snowden Files: The Inside Story of the World's Most Wanted Man.  Vintage, 2014.

by Luke Harding  
   108 customer reviews  [This review accompanies the Amazon advert. –Dick]
 What followed was the most spectacular intelligence breach ever, brought about by one extraordinary man. Edward Snowden was a 29-year-old computer genius working for the National Security Agency when he shocked the world by exposing the near-universal mass surveillance programs of the United States government. His whistleblowing has shaken the leaders of nations worldwide, and generated a passionate public debate on the dangers of global monitoring and the threat to individual privacy.
In a tour de force of investigative journalism that reads like a spy novel, award-winning Guardian reporter Luke Harding tells Snowden’s astonishing story—from the day he left his glamorous girlfriend in Honolulu carrying a hard drive full of secrets, to the weeks of his secret-spilling in Hong Kong, to his battle for asylum and his exile in Moscow. For the first time, Harding brings together the many sources and strands of the story—touching on everything from concerns about domestic spying to the complicity of the tech sector—while also placing us in the room with Edward Snowden himself. The result is a gripping insider narrative—and a necessary and timely account of what is at stake for all of us in the new digital age.  [It is not accurate to call it an “insider narrative,” since he was not there.  Only Greenwald’s account is truly insider.  But Harding, The Guardian’s foreign correspondent, had access at The Guardian to Greenwald’s reports and those of The Guardian’s Washington correspondent,  Ewen MacAskill, who accompanied Greenwald and Poitras to Hong Kong.  --Dick]

Monday, August 25, 2014
Snowden Documents Reveal NSA's 'Own Secret Google'
Agency has been sharing more than 850 billion telecom records on foreigners and U.S. citizens with law enforcement, documents reveal

Documents reveal unprecedented level of NSA data record collection (Photo: Steve Rhodes)
The National Security Agency has for years been giving hundreds of billions of telecommunications records about foreigners and U.S. citizens to dozens of government bureaus, the Intercept reported on Monday.
Documents linked to Edward Snowden's leak last year, obtained by the Intercept, show the NSA shared and continues to share more than 850 billion records of emails, cell phone calls and locations, internet chats, and other metadata sent and received by people throughout the world — who have not been accused of any wrongdoing — by using a "Google-like" search engine called ICREACH, which was built specifically for the agency.
According to a 2010 CIA memo on the program, which agency colleagues "enthusiastically welcome[d]," over 1,000 analysts from 23 government agencies had access to the NSA’s cache of information, all of which was collected without a warrant. Records were regularly shared with the FBI, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the  CIA, and the Defense Intelligence Agency, among other bureaus, the documents reveal.
"The ICREACH team delivered the first-ever wholesale sharing of communications metadata within the U.S. Intelligence Community," a 2007 top-secret memo said. "This team began over two years ago with a basic concept compelled by the IC’s increasing need for communications metadata and NSA’s ability to collect, process and store vast amounts of communications metadata related to worldwide intelligence targets."
ICREACH appears to be a separate entity from the NSA database previously reported to collect phone records of millions of Verizon customers every day under Section 215 of the Patriot Act, the Intercept said. Rather, the search engine "grants access to a vast pool of data that can be mined by analysts from across the intelligence community for 'foreign intelligence'—a vague term that is far broader than counterterrorism."
Jeffrey Anchukaitis, a spokesperson for the Director of National Intelligence, defended the government's widespread spying, stating that sharing information has become "a pillar of the post-9/11 intelligence community."
The Intercept reports that ICREACH was built under the direction of former NSA director Gen. Keith Alexander, and was created to "allow unprecedented volumes of communications metadata to be shared and analyzed," and give a "vast, rich source of information" to other agencies to exploit.
ICREACH evolved out of Project CRISSCROSS, a secret CIA-DEA joint initiative created in the early 1990s to identify and target narcotics suspects in Latin America. But by 1999, access to Project CRISSCROSS had expanded to include the NSA, the DIA, and the FBI, who also contributed to the database. Eventually, a supplemental system called PROTON was installed to support new information as analysts began to store more and more invasive data, including codes that could identify individual cell phones, passport and flight records, visa applications, and information from CIA intelligence reports. In July 2006, the NSA estimated that it was storing 149 billion phone records on PROTON, the Intercept says. Over time, even PROTON was not sufficiently advanced technology to store and cull all the data it held and gathered every day, leading to the creation of ICREACH.
But ICREACH may hold even more records than what is currently estimated. The Intercept writes:
While the NSA initially estimated making upwards of 850 billion records available on ICREACH, the documents indicate that target could have been surpassed, and that the number of personnel accessing the system may have increased since the 2010 reference to more than 1,000 analysts. The intelligence community’s top-secret “Black Budget” for 2013, also obtained by Snowden, shows that the NSA recently sought new funding to upgrade ICREACH to “provide IC analysts with access to a wider set of shareable data.”
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 License

Rebecca Gordon in American Nuremberg makes the case for “a full accounting” of “the injustice of our country’s vicious war on terror,” the victims of the war on terrorism by the US, including “a full list of those who are responsible.”  Her book sets forth the concrete steps of redress.  But because these are unlikely at the present, she also urges citizens to take their own actions (183). 
   Empanel a tribunal, a citizens US Nuremberg, following these great precedents.  1. The Constitution Project in 2013 published an indictment of the nation’s most senior officials for torture of detainees.  A new panel could include “all the illegal war-making, the war crimes, and the human rights crimes committed in the war on terror.”  2.  Emulate the International War Crimes Tribunal (the Russell Tribunal) held in Denmark and Sweden in 1967, organized by Bertrand Russell and Jean Paul Sartre on US crimes committed in the Vietnam War.   --Dick

Contact your Representatives
None of the senators or representatives publishes his e-mail address, but each can be contacted by filling in forms offered through his website.
Senator John Boozman: (202)224-4843
Senator Tom Cotton: (202)224-2353
Rep. Rick Crawford, 1st District: (202)225-4076
Rep. French Hill, 2nd District: (202)225-2506
Rep. Steve Womack, 3rd District: (202)225-4301
1119 Longworth House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
3333 Pinnacle Hills, Suite 120
Rogers, Arkansas 72758
Rep. Bruce Westerman, 4th District: (202) 225-3772

President Barack Obama: Comments: 202-456-1111, Switchboard: 202-456-1414
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Wars of Aggression, Peace Movement vs. US Global Permanent War, Roman and US Empires.  Citizens of the World.

An underlying theme of this newsletter and of all of the newsletters pertaining to war is the necessity of the US peace movement in all of its local organizations to be informed, to think, and to act globally.   Often the argument is made that peacemaking must begin with the individual search for inner equanimity, steadiness, and strength, and nobody can deny their importance, but our leaders’ reckless lawlessness, bombing and torturing, making the world more morally and socially violent and cruel, destabilizes each and every one of us locally and individually, and must be stopped.  Our local leaders and citizens work hard to make our homes and towns beautiful, rational, peaceful.  But simultaneously our national leaders operate from opposite values to disrupt, displace, and demolish in permanent war.  Already the financial and moral costs of that chaos are affecting our local lives and hopes (we see and feel it only partly because the money is borrowed—called national debt).   So we must be engaged in more than local beauty, order, and amity   And in order to act globally, we are not compelled to wait until we have fully matured, and anyway a lifetime is seldom enough time to enable that ideal condition.  –Dick

Oderint dum metuant –“Let them hate so long as they fear”—was a motto of the Roman Empire.”   “’…some nations are serial aggressors,’ observed The Black Commentator in the fourth year of the war in Iraq.”  Blum, America’s Deadliest Export (2, 3).

Citoyens du monde:  “I wonder how the foreign policies of the United States would look if we wiped out the national boundaries of the world, at least in our minds, and thought of all children everywhere as our own.”  Howard Zinn, Let us be citizens of the world.

Human Rights
ICC, 2 doc
Iraq Wars
Iraq, Books about, Blood on Our Hands
Torture War Crimes
Lawlessness US Leaders
War Crimes and Criminals
War Crimes
     Separate docs for 1, 4, 5, 6  (2 and 3?)
War on Terror of Terror #1-11
War on Terror #12
Related, Gordon, American Nuremberg: The U.S. Officials Who Should Stand Trial for Post-9/11 War Crimes (2016)
See: air war, George W. Bush, carpet bombing,   chemical warfare, VP Cheney, dictatorship, drone warfare, empire of bases, Fascism, Geneva conventions, Genocide of Native Americans, US imperialism, international law, International Network for Abolition of Foreign Bases, Internet, Militarism, Military Industrial Complex, napalm, National Security State, Barack Obama, Police State, General Powell, Presidential Power, Condoleeza Rice, Secrecy, “Support the Troops,” torture, treaties, US war crimes, wars, US weapons of mass destruction, US Westward Imperialism, and related newsletters and blog posts.

Contents US Lawlessness Newsletter #1, Dec. 27, 2012
US Imperial History
Grandin, Preparation in Latin America, Documents
Myths Feeding US Imperialism
Rise of Imperial Presidency
US War Crimes
John Yoo Abusing Intellect, Justifying Crime for President Bush
Greenwald, With Liberty and Justice for Some
Monbiot: Obama and Drones

Contents Lawlessness Newsletter  #2
The Present
David Swanson, Daybreak, Yearning for Democracy and Peace
Mission of The War Crimes Times
Pierce on Gregory Johnsen, Authorization for the Use of Military Force 2001 and
      the  Permanent State of War  [read Dick on AUMF in Anti-War Newsletter #3]
Adams, McVeigh: Oppose the Drones, the War Criminals
Herman:  Support Our Troops, Wars, War Criminals
Lizza on Barron and the Kill-List
Boyle, US, Russia, Ukraine
Hedges, Violent, Homicidal Culture
The Past
James Lucas, Deaths Since WWII
Bombing Neutral Laos During Vietnam War


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Dick's Wars and Warming KPSQ Radio Editorials (#1-48)

Dick's Wars and Warming KPSQ Radio Editorials (#1-48)