Wednesday, June 4, 2014


Compiled by Dick Bennett for a Culture of Nonviolence, World Peace, Social and Economic Justice, Human Rights, Democracy, and Environmental Care.

What’s at stake:  The conflict between an internationalism of education and empathy and an internationalism of militarism and empire is exemplified in the thought and life of Fulbright, as Fulbright gradually grew hostile to the “liberal” internationalism of Kennedy, Johnson, and Vietnam, while maintaining his strong support for international educational exchanges and expressions of cosmopolitan, organizational resolution of conflicts.   Today, with a thousand military bases abroad, the Pentagon budget $600 billion, and several countries in varying degrees occupied by US military forces,  the people are faced with the same, still worsening division at the heart of US “internationalism.”   This newsletter embraces nonviolence and expresses the desire of the OMNI Center, as part of the international peace movement, to end US militarism and empire.  Its contents are divided into four parts:  Fulbright, Education, Action, and Fayetteville, AR.   Send me anything you think should appear in Internationalism Newsletter #2.

“I wonder how the foreign policies of the United States would look if we wiped out the national boundaries of the world, at least in our minds, and thought of all children everywhere as our own.”  Howard Zinn

“If I define my neighbor as the one I must go out to look for, on the highways and byways, in the factories and slums, on the farms and in the mines, then my world changes.”   Gustavo Gutierrez, Founder of Liberation Theology

“As man advances in civilization, and small tribes are united into larger communities, the simplest reason would tell each individual that he ought to extend his social instincts and sympathies to all the other members of the same nation, though personally unknown to him.  This point being once reached, there is only an artificial barrier to prevent his sympathies extending to the men of all nations and races.”   Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man. 

“Abolishing war in the 21st century is not only realistic in the sense that it is possible, but also realistically necessary for human survival and well-being.   The peacemaking primate has the capacity to do so.”   Douglas Fry, The Human Potential for Peace, p. 262.

“As our hearts open to deeper understanding, our circle of compassion naturally enlarges and spontaneously begins to include more and more ‘others’—not just our own tribe, sect, nation, or race, but all human beings, and not just humans, but other mammals, and birds, fish, forests, and the whole beautifully interwoven tapestry of living, pulsing creation.   All beings.  All of us.”   Will Tuttle, The World Peace Diet, p. 293.

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Contents Internationalism Newsletter #1
J. William Fulbright
    Conference Call for Papers on Fulbright and Internationalism
     Randall Woods on Fulbright and Internationalism
Rossatto, Teaching for Global Community, Paulo Freire’s Critical Pedagogy
Silova and Hobson, Globalizing Minds
Mullens and Cuper, Internationalizing Campuses and Fostering Global Citizenship
Gerstl-Pepin and Aiken, Global Social Justice Leadership
Phillion, Sharma, Sasser, Rahatzad:  International Teacher Education in Social Justice
Leung, Richards, Lassonde:  International Literacy Research
Oxford, Peace Cultures (one section)
Citizens for Global
Falk and Strauss, Global Parliament, Report by Mona Lee
Mona Lee, Alien Child Novel for Global Unity
Sarah Fennel, Caring for Children in AfricaRestore Humanity
Sam Totten, Educator, Genocide Scholar, Activist in Africa (Sudan)


Sunday, June 15, 2014

·             -
Call for Papers
J. William Fulbright in International Perspective: Liberal Internationalism and U.S. Global Influence
University of Arkansas, 17-18 April 2015
A Conference organized by
Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society

Call for Papers:
J. William Fulbright in International Perspective:
Liberal Internationalism and U.S. Global Influence
Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society
University of Arkansas
Fayetteville, Arkansas
April 17-18, 2015
Senator William J. Fulbright is without doubt one of the titans of U.S. politics in the twentieth century. The longest-serving chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Fulbright was senator for Arkansas for thirty years (1944-74) and left a singular imprint on U.S. foreign policy during those decades. As a result his stature is possibly as great internationally as nationally. This conference brings together a selected group of scholars to examine Fulbright’s contribution and re-assess his legacy in the context of U.S. foreign relations, and, more broadly, global developments in the twentieth century.
The two-day conference is built around two central themes, which partly overlap but also contrast with each other in important ways. Firstly, we want to consider the Fulbright Program itself as the embodiment of the Senator’s aim to both contribute to the fostering of a global intellectual elite centered on the United States, as well as internationalize U.S. culture and society. Arguably Fulbright’s most lasting achievement, the Program has proved to be a vital element in global knowledge transfer, with around 325,000 alumni to date. While we welcome proposals that address the domestic and political origins of the exchange program, we are particularly interested in proposals that examine the Fulbright program in local contexts across space and time.
Secondly, the conference will focus on Fulbright’s contributions toward liberal internationalism in the twentieth century. From his early legal work in international law to his later career on the global stage, the Arkansas Senator is a political paradigm for a certain kind of U.S. world leadership based on effective international organizations (including the UN) and the promotion of modernization and development abroad. In this respect, his opposition to the Vietnam war exemplifies Fulbright’s particular vision on the uses and abuses of U.S. power globally. Committed to liberal internationalism and multilateral governance, Fulbright was also at heart a Southern politician, who embraced the region’s sectional interests, including opposition to the civil rights’ agenda. That contrast between provincialism and cosmopolitan aspirations shows a divide that still has consequences for America’s global policies, and for the perceptions others have of the U.S. international presence.
Proposals are welcome that address, as individual papers (no group panels) the following: any aspect of Fulbright’s philosophy, its effects on other nations’ foreign policy conduct or style of internationalism, the embodiments and contradictions of Fulbright’s approach to the internationalism of his day, particular southern variants of mid-century internationalism, racial, class, and gender aspects of liberal internationalism or the Fulbright exchange program, and the tensions between provincialism and cosmopolitanism inherent in Fulbright’s career.
The conference, sponsored by the Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society, will be part of its distinguished Blair-Rockefeller Legacy Series. The event  “J. William Fulbright in International Perspective” will be the sixth in the Series, which was inaugurated in 2001 with an analysis of the Clinton Administration, and has most recently included an examination of the legacy of George W. Bush's foreign policy. The Center will provide substantial coverage of travel and lodging costs. For more information about the Blair Center initiatives go to
Please send a 400 word abstract, together with a short CV (4 pp. max.), to by 15 June 2014.
The convenors expect to publish a selection of revised papers as chapters in an ensuing volume.
Organizing Committee:
Alessandro Brogi, University of Arkansas
Giles Scott-Smith, Roosevelt Study Center and University of Leiden
David J. Sn

Fulbright Internationalism

Randall Bennett Woods
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
Vol. 491, The Fulbright Experience and Academic Exchanges (May, 1987), pp. 22-35
Published by:
 Sage Publications, Inc.
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science © 1987 American Academy of Political and Social Science
In 1946 Senator J. William Fulbright introduced and guided through Congress legislation establishing an international exchange program in education. The Fulbright program, which has produced the largest migration of students and scholars in modern history, was the result first of the senator's personal experience. His goal was to make available to thousands the enlightening experience of foreign study and travel he had enjoyed as a Rhodes scholar. The exchange legislation was also an integral part of the internationalist movement that swept America in the mid-1940s. Finally, Fulbright's brainchild was a result of his disillusionment with America's diplomatic leadership and his determination to raise up an educated, sophisticated elite capable of guiding the nation and the world.

J. William Fulbright, Vietnam, and the Search for a Cold War Foreign Policy (review)
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content [of the review]:
Journal of Cold War Studies 2.2 (2000) 115-117

Book Reviews

Randall Bennett Woods, J. William Fulbright, Vietnam, and the Search for a Cold War Foreign Policy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 293 pp. US$59.95 (hardcover), US$18.95 (softcover).
This book is an abridged version of Randall Woods's 700-page biography of J. William Fulbright, which appeared in 1995. Woods delves into the central aspects of Fulbright's thoughts and career, tracing his evolution from a proponent of "liberal internationalism" into one of its most penetrating critics. The publication of the book is a welcome event, not least because it may bring Woods's remarkable account of Fulbright and his times to a new audience. Moreover, the book is highly relevant in its treatment of a still unresolved issue -- the question of who shapes and controls U.S. foreign policy. Fulbright would not have been surprised, for example, by the recent revelations that the Pentagon thwarts congressional restrictions on weapons systems by continually transferring unused funds to keep alive its favorite projects.
After two years at Oxford University on a Rhodes Scholarship in the late 1920s and the start of a career in politics during World War II, Fulbright was an eager internationalist. His greatest achievement at this time was the creation of the international exchange program that still bears his name. In 1959, after spending ten years on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he became its chairman. He retained that post for the next sixteen years. Counseled by aides Carl Marcy and Seth Tillman, Fulbright decided that the committee must play a larger role in even the most privileged areas of U.S. foreign policy. Woods points out the irony of Fulbright's similarities to Henry Cabot Lodge, a Republican and previous chairman of the committee. Both men had advanced degrees in politics or history, both had a high regard for the British parliamentary system, and both believed that foreign policy should have conservative aims. Walter Lippmann aptly described Fulbright as a nineteenth-century British liberal.
Fulbright had many supporters in his bid to become secretary of state after the election of John Kennedy, but Fulbright's long record of opposition to federal civil rights legislation ruled out his candidacy. Woods does not argue that Fulbright's resistance to federal action on civil rights was motivated simply by a desire to survive amid the reality of Southern electoral politics. Rather, Woods maintains that Fulbright personally accepted the dominant Southern attitudes of the time. In the same way that Fulbright later opposed American interference abroad, so he believed that Washington's intrusion into local conflicts in the United States only worsened disputes that had to be resolved in accordance with inherited cultural "realities." In any case, it was unlikely that Kennedy would have desired such a skeptical secretary. The perfect foil for Kennedy's ambitious agenda was Dean Rusk, who had long been convinced that the State Department was too slow in formulating important foreign policy measures.
Fulbright's racial attitudes and voting records would later be used against him when he criticized Lyndon Johnson's war policies. Johnson neatly skewered Fulbright more than once for allegedly having no sympathy with the people of Southeast Asia because of the color of their skin. Nonetheless, Fulbright hoped that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee would become a more important player in foreign policy during the Johnson administration. Woods points out that although Fulbright delivered powerful lectures on the "Arrogance of Power," he himself was strong-willed and not overly diplomatic in his dealings with presidents.
Fulbright's doubts regarding internationalism began to emerge in the 1950s during the tenure of John Foster Dulles as secretary of state, but his criticisms of the internationalist position took some time to develop. Fulbright did not immediately seek to draw out the connections between the U.S. interventions in the Dominican Republic and Vietnam, U.S. foreign aid policies, and the ever-multiplying expansion of American military bases abroad. He was even surprisingly accepting of Johnson's private assurances that the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was simply...

Teaching for Global Community: Overcoming the Divide and Conquer Strategies of the Oppressor by: César Augusto Rossatto, The University of Texas at El Paso .   Information Age Publishing, 2011

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Education has long been viewed as a vehicle for building community. However, the critical role of education and schools for constructing community resistance is undermined by recent trends toward the centralization of educational policy-making (e.g. racial profiling new laws in the US—Arizona and Texas; No Child Left Behind and global racism), the normalization of “globalization” as a vehicle for the advancement of economic neo-liberalism and social hegemony, and the commodification of schooling in the service of corporate capitalism. Alternative visions of schooling are urgently needed to transform these dangerous trends so as to reconstruct public education as an emancipatory social project.

Teaching for Global Community: Overcoming the Divide and Conquer Strategies of the Oppressor examines these issues among related others as a way to honor and re-examine Freirean principles and aim to take critical pedagogy in new directions for a new generation. The goal is to build upon past accomplishments of Paulo Freire’s work and critical pedagogy while moving beyond its historical limitations. This includes efforts that revisit and re-evaluate established topics in the field or take on new areas of contestation. Issues related to education, labor, and emancipation, broadly defined and from diverse geographical context, are addressed. The theoretical perspectives used to look at these emerge from critical pedagogy, critical race theory, critiques of globalization and neoliberalism, marxist and neo-marxist perspectives, social constructivism, comparative/international education, postmodernism indigenous perspectives, feminist theory, queer theory, poststructuralism, critical environmental studies, postcolonial studies, liberation theology, with a deep commitment to social justice.
Preface : Teaching for Global Community: Overcoming the Divide and Conquer Strategies of the Oppressor. PART I: NEOMARXIST PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION AND CULTURE. Studying Youth Cultures: Some Reflections, Douglas Foley. What About the Children?: Benjamin and Arendt: On Education, Work, and the Political. Jules Simon. Around Ideological- Discursive Mechanicals of Social Consent and Power, Miguel de la Torre Gamboa. Education for Emancipation Education for Emancipation: An Analysis of Gramscian Formative Educational Theory, Benjamin Thomas Osborne. PART II: TRANSNATIONAL STUDIES AND BORDER PEDAGOGIES. The Ruminations of a Neighbor: Mexican Educators and Their Teaching of Current United States Policies, Timothy Cashman and Rene A. Rubio. Between Fate and Destination, Drifting and Traveling When Interrogating Globalization’s Fluidity: Critical Pedagogy in the Everyday, Rudolfo Chávez Chávez. PART III: TEACHING A GLOBAL COMMUNITY, WHITENESS, AND CRITICAL RACE THEORY. A New Paradigm for Global Schooling, Joel Spring. Schooling Future Oppressors: Teaching Global Communities about White Privilege, César Augusto Rossatto. What is “Whiteness”? A Cognitive Semantic Analysis of the Metaphors and Prototype Features Framing the Notion of “Whiteness”, Christopher Shank. PART IV: DEVELOPING CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES IN TEACHER EDUCATION. Reconsidering the Role of Faculty in Neoliberal Societies of Information and Knowledge, Jurjo Torres-Santomé. Teaching for Student Agency: A Praxis Inquiry Approach to Teacher Education, Brenda Cherednichenko and Tony Kruger. Juxtaposing Cultural Artifacts to Peel the Onion of Hegemony, Roberto Bahruth. PART V: CLASSROOM APPLICATIONS ACROSS DISCIPLINES. Towards Combining Freirean Ideas and Russian Experience in Mathematics Education, Olga Kosheleva. Technicism and Transformation: Vocational Adult Learning in International Development, Blane Harvey. Critical Science Literacy in Rural Northeastern New Mexico, Diane Walker. PART VI: PEDAGOGY FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE: AGENCY AND ACTIVISM. Educational Governance, Teachers’ and Leaders’ Work: Some Feminist Observations, Jill Blackmore. Critical Pedagogy and Social Justice: The Role of Emotion and Emotional Energy, Robert F. George. Revolutionary Environmentalism: An Emerging New Struggle for Total Liberation, Steven Best and Anthony

Fostering Global Citizenship
Through Faculty-Led International Programs
Jo Beth Mullens, Keene State College
Pru Cuper, Keene State College
Information Age Publishers, 2012. Paperback 978-1-61735-831-9 $45.99. Hardcover 978-1-61735-832-6 $85.99. eBook 978-1-61735-833-3 $50
With awareness of both the opportunities and challenges presented by globalization, there is a growing trend among colleges and universities across the country to commit goals and resources to the concept of internationalizing their campuses. This can occur in a number of different ways but a common thread involves exploring the concept of global citizenship and finding ways to embed this concept in undergraduate curricula. For faculty, this may call for moving
out of a presumed comfort zone in the traditional classroom and determining new approaches to teaching a generation of students who will live and work in a more global context. A method for accomplishing this work that is growing in popularity involves offering short-term, faculty-led field courses to international settings. In fact, today more college students are participating in such short-term study abroad opportunities than the more traditional semester and/or yearlong programs.

Faculty and administrators who want to capitalize on short-term, study abroad programs as a means for internationalizing their campuses need practical resources to help them realize this challenging but important goal. They not only need support in developing the course curricula and logistics, but also in constructing authentic means for assessing the multi-faceted learning that occurs. Short-term international programs, when carefully planned and executed,
engage the participants (both students and faculty) in unique learning experiences that can involve service, research, and critical analysis of what it truly means to be a global citizen. Such work helps define the somewhat nebulous but worthy goals of internationalizing campuses and fostering global citizenship. 
The authors of this text are professional educators with deep experience in global education and curriculum development. They offer a valuable resource for the development, execution and assessment of faculty-led international field courses that is at once theoretical, practical and motivational. Whether readers are considering offering an international field program for the first time and need guidance; are veteran field course leaders who would like to take their work to
the next level; or are administrators attempting to encourage and provide needed support for faculty-led international programs, this book will prove invaluable.

Social Justice Leadership for a Global World
Cynthia Gerstl-Pepin, University of Vermont
Judith A. Aiken, University of Vermont
A volume in the series Educational Leadership for Social Justice
Information Age Publishers, 2012. Paperback 978-1-61735-924-8 $45.99. Hardcover 978-1-61735-925-5 $85.99. eBook 978-1-61735-926-2 $50
The global economic meltdown has highlighted the interconnectedness of nations. This book seeks to provide an overview of topics, issues, and best practices
related to defining social justice leadership given our increasingly global world. Refugees and immigrants from around the globe now inhabit schools and
institutions of higher education across the nation and US students, teachers, and leaders are traversing international boarders both physically and virtually
through international collaboration, technology, and exchange programs. Although there have been increased efforts and scholarship in support of diversity
and multicultural awareness, these efforts have largely focused on the US. We acknowledge that many leadership theories are “domestic” in that they
typically incorporate US perspectives or a single-culture description of effective leadership. This book provides a deeper understanding of diverse and
multicultural perspectives as they relate to a world that is becoming increasingly interconnected economically, socially, and culturally. Particular attention is
paid to providing specific strategies for social justice leaders working in PK-12 and/or higher education, and leadership preparation programs to promote
effective leadership that reflects multicultural understanding of the diversity both within and outside the US. Within the context of leadership practice,
internationalization offers new insights and ideas about leadership aims, processes, and competencies as a means for addressing equity concerns.
Internationalizing Teacher Education for Social Justice
Theory, Research, and Practice [K-12]

JoAnn Phillion, Purdue University
Suniti Sharma, Saint Joseph's University
Hannah L. Sasser, Purdue University
Jubin Rahatzad, Purdue University
A volume in the series Research for Social Justice: Personal~Passionate~Participatory
Information Age Publishers, 2014. Paperback 9781623966041 $45.99. Hardcover 9781623966058 $85.99. eBook 9781623966065 $50
In Internationalizing Teacher Education for Social Justice: Theory, Research, and Practice, editors Suniti Sharma, JoAnn Phillion, Jubin Rahatzad, and
Hannah L. Sasser present a collection of personal, passionate, and participatory global perspectives of teacher educators on internationalizing teacher
education for social justice. The reader will encounter each author’s personal and professional journey into global classrooms for internationalizing teacher
education and supporting future teachers in developing competencies necessary for addressing the academic needs of diverse K-12 classrooms. This collection
provides a broad, critical, and interpretive overview of shifts in U.S. and global perspectives to offer transformative frameworks and strategies on preparing
K-12 teachers to meet the complex demands for skills in the twenty-first century. The global tenor of this book, framed by theory, research, and practice
spanning several countries provides a timely contribution to internationalizing teacher education for social justice in the twenty-first century. The authors’
dedication to preparing teachers who have knowledge of world cultures and global issues, combined with a deep commitment to social justice for promoting
equity in education, informs each chapter. The authors take up the internationalization of teacher education for social justice as both an opportunity and a
challenge, transcending rhetoric to meaningful action, situating their global understanding to inform readers of critical engagement with, and examination of,
theory, research, and practice for effecting social and educational change.

Globalizing Minds
Rhetoric And Realities In International Schools
 Iveta Silova, College of Education, Lehigh University
Daphne P. Hobson, Global Teaching Consultants, LLC
Information Age Publishers, 2014. Paperback 9781623965860 $45.99. Hardcover 9781623965877 $85.99. eBook 9781623965884 $50

Globalization has a profound effect on the mission and goals of education worldwide. One of its most visible manifestations is the worldwide endorsement of the idea of “education for global citizenship,” which has been enthusiastically supported by national governments, politicians, and policy-makers across different nations. Increasingly, the educational institutions feel under pressure to respond to globalization forces by preparing students to engage competitively and successfully with this new realm, lest their nations be left in the dust. What is the role of international schools in implementing the idea of “education for global citizenship”? How do these schools create a culturally unbiased global curriculum when the adopted models have been developed by Western societies and at the very least are replete with (Western) cultural values, traditions, and biases?

International Collaborations in Literacy Research and Practice
 Cynthia B. Leung, University of South Florida St. Petersburg
Janet C. Richards, University of South Florida
Cynthia A. Lassonde, SUNY College at Oneonta
A volume in the series Literacy, Language and Learning
Information Age Publishers, 2014.   Paperback 9781623965655 $45.99. Hardcover 9781623965662 $85.99. eBook 9781623965679 $50
Literacy researchers and educators are currently involved in exciting international literacy projects. However, many in the field are not aware of these
initiatives. In compiling this edited volume, our intent is to provide a resource book for university instructors and research faculty with examples of
international literacy projects and what was learned from the projects. Chapter contributors offer stories of real people who collaborate across nations to
exchange ideas, promote literacy development, and increase global understandings. The literacy initiatives presented in this book show how literacy
colleagues have provided opportunities for students and educators of different countries to communicate in meaningful ways. Through international literacy
projects and research, participants work to forge relationships based on mutual respect, despite their differing cultures and languages. They see their work as
based on the mutual connectedness to the human community.

Understanding Peace Cultures
 Rebecca L. Oxford, Alabama A&M University
A volume in the series Peace Education
2014. Paperback 9781623965051 $45.99. Hardcover 9781623965068 $85.99. eBook 9781623965075 $50
Understanding Peace Cultures is exceptionally practical as well as theoretically grounded. As Elise Boulding tells us, culture consists of the shared values, ideas, practices, and artifacts of a group united by a common history. Rebecca Oxford explains that peace cultures are cultures, large or small, which foster any of the dimensions of peace – inner, interpersonal, intergroup, international, intercultural, or ecological – and thus help transform the world. As in her earlier book, The Language of Peace: Communicating to Create Harmony, Oxford contends here that peace is a serious and desirable option. 
Excellent educators help build peace cultures. In this book, Shelley Wong and Rachel Grant reveal how highly diverse public school classrooms serve as peace cultures, using activities and themes founded on womanist and critical race theories. Yingji Wang portrays a peace culture in a university classroom. Rui Ma’s model reaches out interculturally to Abraham’s children: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim youth, who share an ancient heritage. Children’s literature (Rebecca Oxford et al.) and students’ own writing (Tina Wei) spread cultures of peace. 
Deep traditions, such as African performance art, Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism and Islam, give rise to peace cultures, as shown here by John Grayzel, Sister Jewel (a colleague of Thich Nhat Hanh), Yingji Wang et al., and Dian Marissa et al. Peace cultures also emerge in completely unexpected venues, such as gangsta rap, unveiled by Charles Blake et al., and a prison where inmates learn Lois Liggett’s “spiritual semantics.” Finally, the book includes perspectives from Jerusalem (by Lawrence Berlin) and North Korea and South Korea (by Carol Griffiths) to help us envision – and hope for – new, transformative peace cultures where now there is strife.

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Nuclear Weapons and the Law by Mona Lee.  Ground Zero (July 2013).
     Bert Sachs and I were arrested at the Bangor submarine base on May 11 for breaking a law I did not know existed. We had planned to knowingly break the law by stretching a long banner across the road to block traffic into the base as Ground Zero has done every Mother’s Day for years. The banner would have called for the abolition of nuclear weapons for the preservation of our mother, the Earth. But we were not given time to unfurl the banner. Our plan was thwarted when, the moment I stepped into the street, a State Patrol officer grabbed me by the arm and told me I was under arrest. He handed me a slip of paper informing me that I had been arrested for “stepping into the roadway.”     For what? Now, I was raised by very law-abiding parents who never informed me that it was a crime to step into the street. They had always cautioned me severely to look both ways and make sure there were
no cars coming, but after that it would be all right to step into the street. So for more than 74 years I have been unknowingly breaking the law.     Knowingly or unknowingly laws are being broken all the time. In fact, Ground Zero exists because we realize the need of
citizens to protest our national government’s law-breaking behavior on our behalf. As international law professor Richard Falk testified at the trial of protestors who sat on railroad tracks to block a shipment of nuclear weapons into Bangor in 1985, nuclear weapons are against the Geneva accords because they would intentionally cause untold and unthinkable suffering to many human beings.
     Some people think it laughable to expect that a big global
bully like the United States would be expected to obey international law. The international legal system is totally dysfunctional because bully rogue states like the US knowingly and unthinkingly break such laws as often and casually as I step off
sidewalks onto streets. In fact, the reason disaffected states like North Korea and Iran want nuclear weapons is because anyone who has a nuclear weapon is above the law and can bully other states around at will. There is no governmental entity capable of effectively and consistently enforcing international law.     When I met Professor Falk that day and spoke with him briefly in the hallway of the Kitsap County Courthouse, I did
not know that he and his protégé, Dr. Andrew Strauss of Weidener University Law School, understood why international law is so ineffective and would soon suggest a way to improve the international system and make its laws more enforceable. They would propose establishing an entirely new international parliament directly elected by the people.
     According to Falk and Strauss, one reason international laws are not followed is because there is no connection between the people and the international governing bodies. The UN General Assembly represents governments, not people. The international legal system is akin to that of the United States under the Articles of Confederation wherein the states blatantly disobeyed federal law. For instance, states would simply refuse to pay their taxes to the federal government. What Alexander Hamilton conjectured was that the reason federal law was so ineffective was that there was
no direct relationship between the people and the government. That’s why they wrote into the new constitution a congress directly elected by the people.
     I met Dr. Andrew Strauss at the Hague Appeal for Peace in 1999. I was there promoting my novel, Alien Child, which visions toward forming a democratic global government. Andy was there promoting his unique idea of a how a global parliament could be started by as few as 20 or 30 countries signing onto a treaty. In those days global
civil society, a vast network of nongovernmental organizations, was very strong and getting better organized. Following the Hague Conference, global civil society gathered at the Rio De Junero Summits, the Johannesburg World Summit, the Seattle
World Trade Organization protests, World Social Forums in Puerto Allegre, Brazil and Mumbai, India, and more.
     It was Richard and Andy’s notion that the conception of a civil society and popularly elected world parliament would not need the United States. He proposed that, as with the history of the European Parliament, a global parliament could initially be formed by a few countries, perhaps 20 or 30; i.e., the Scandinavian countries, some of the South American countries, some Asian countries, etc. Clearly the United States would not be
among the first to join the global parliament. But more than representing interests of nation states, the parliament might become effective in solving regional cross-border disputes. Eventually over a period of time, perhaps decades, the parliament might become a focus of solving international and regional problems peacefully rather than by force.
     Richard and Andy point out that, “The mere establishment of a global parliament would be a welcome step giving hope in a dark time. Taking such a step would signal the emergence of a democratic and peace-oriented In a global democratic parliament, delegates would not represent states as they do in the United Nations, but rather
the citizenry directly. Thus shifting transnational coalitions seeking the peaceful resolution of international disputes might be able to discourage political leaders and their publics from a reliance on armed conflict and in time this might slowly lead to the withering away of war as a social institution. Likewise, the Global Peoples’ Assembly would offer disaffected citizens constructive alternatives to terrorism and other forms of political violence.”
     Admittedly, these are very high hopes. But they are what encouraged my husband, Dick Burkhart, and me to “Bike for Global Democracy.” Beginning in 2004, over the
next few years we rode our tandem bicycle for thousands of miles in the United States, Canada, India, Brazil, and Europe, talking to people, passing out leaflets, then joining
Andy to give workshops at the World Social Forums and other global civil society gatherings. But with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, times got even darker, our hopes
deflated, and we began to focus on other concerns.
     However, last month Bernie Meyers referenced an article in the online newspaper Truthout that got my attention. The article stated, “A quiet revolution took place in Oslo earlier this month. More than 120 governments, UN agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and civil society gathered to debate the problem of nuclear weapons, not in military and geopolitical terms, as has been done for decades, but through a humanitarian lens.” The article goes on to say that the assembly discussed openly the devastating consequences of nuclear weapons to humanity, with the Red Cross warning that there is no national or international capacity to respond effectively to even a single nuclear attack, let alone an exchange of attacks. The thrust of the meeting was to focus on negotiating a treaty to ban nuclear weapons. Many governments and civil society entities have latched onto this idea, and the Mexican government has offered to host the next meeting. (It should also be noted that many parts of the world –effectively the entire southern hemisphere – have via a series of treaties, declared themselves nuclear-free zones forbidding, their governments to acquire nuclear weapons.)
     These initiatives illustrate civil society, the neighbors of Mother Earth, functioning somewhat in a way that a global parliament would, getting together and looking for a
way around the bully nuclear-armed states and proposing to outlaw their behavior. Even though the Oslo conference participants were self-appointed rather than elected, they
represent the people in a far more direct way than does the United Nations. My hope is that a treaty thus evolved would have a strong moral imperative and function as more
effective and binding international law.
     Admittedly high hopes.   Mona Lee is an activist, an author, and an avid cyclist. She lives in Seattle where she owns and manages the Whistle Stop Co-op Café.

Click to open expanded view

Alien Child [Paperback]

Mona Lee 

 May 12, 1999
Wella de Gornia arrives in the San Juan Islands from a planet where the people have no word for "war." Wella's daughter, Dana, who inherits her psychic abilities and works with Lucinda Watson, the strong Black leader of an international peace movement, to promote world unity.


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Samuel Totten

[The last I heard from Prof. Totten a few days ago he was in the capital of South Sudan trying to gain access to the Nuba Mountains in southern Sudan.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This biographical article needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (November 2009)
Samuel Totten is a genocide scholar, Professor of the University of Arkansas, Fayetteville,[1] a Member of the Council of the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem.


Samuel Totten earned a master's degree and a doctoral degree at Teachers College, Columbia University.[2]
In 2004, he served as an investigator on the U.S. State Department's Darfur Atrocities Documentation Project.
In 2005 he became one of the chief co-editors of Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, the official journal of the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS).[3]
In 2008 He served as a Fulbright Scholar at the Centre for Conflict Management, National University of Rwanda.
Between 2004 and 2011, he conducted research along the Chad/Darfur, Sudan border into the genocide perpetrated by the Government of Sudan in Darfur. Between 2010 and today he has conducted research into the genocidal actions of the Government of Sudan in the Nuba Mountains in the late 1980s to mid 1990s, and the crimes against humanity being perpetrated today (July 2011-ongoing through at least June 2012)
During the 2009-2010 academic year Totten served as the Ida King Distinguished Visiting Professor of Holocaust and Education at the Richard stockton College of New Jersey.
In 2011, Totten was honored by Teachers College, Columbia University with The Teachers College Distinguished Alumni Award of 2011.
In December 2012-January 2013, Totten traveled throughout the war torn Nuba Mountains as he conducted research into both the genocide by attrition experienced by the people of the Nuba Mountains in the 1990s and the ongoing crisis today (June 2011-present). While there, Government of Sudan Antonov bombers dropped 55 bombs on civilian areas, resulting in deaths and grievous injuries.


·                    Totten, Samuel, and Parsons, William S. (Eds.) (2012). Centuries of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Testimony. Fourth Edition. New York: Routledge.
·                    Totten, Samuel (2012). Genocide by Attrition: The Nuba Mountains in the Sudan. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
·                    Totten, Samuel, and Ubaldo, Rafiki (2011). We Cannot Forget: Interviews with Survivors of the Genocide in Rwanda. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
·                    Totten, Samuel (2010). An Oral and Documentary History of the Darfur Genocide. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Security International.
·                    Totten, S. and Parsons, William (Eds.) (2009). Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Testimony. Third Edition. New York: Routledge
·                    Totten, S. & Markusen, E. (Eds.) (2006). Genocide in Darfur: Investigating Atrocities in the Sudan. New York: Routledge.
·                    Totten S. (2006). The Prevention and Intervention of Genocide: An Annotated Bibliography. New York: Routledge.
·                    Totten, S. (Ed.) (2005). Genocide at the Millennium. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
·                    Totten, S., Parsons, W.S., & Charny, I.W. (Eds.) (2004). Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Testimony. Second Edition. New York: Routledge
·                    Totten, S. (Ed.) (2004). Teaching About Genocide. Greenwich, CT: Information Age.
·                    Totten, S. & Jacobs, S. (Eds.) (2002). Pioneers of Genocide Studies. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
·                    Charny, I.W. (Chief Editor), Adalian, R., Jacobs, S., Markusen, E. & Totten, S. (Associate Editors) (1999). Encyclopedia of Genocide. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC CLIO Press.
·                    Totten, S., Parsons, W.S. & Charny, I.W. (Eds.) (1997). Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. Expanded, paperback version of Genocide in the Twentieth Century.
·                    Totten, S., Parsons, W.S. & Charny, I.W. (Eds.) (1995). Genocide in the Twentieth Century: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Testimony. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.
·                    Totten, S. (1991). First Person Accounts of Genocidal Acts Committed in the Twentieth Century: A Critical Annotated Bibliography. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.


3.      Jump up^ Bio at Greenwood

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