OMNI
NEWSLETTER # 9 ON US TORTURE, WAR CRIMES, LAWLESSNESS, APRIL 16, 2014.
Compiled
by Dick Bennett, Building a Culture of Peace.
(#1 October 5, 2007; #2 May 9, 2011; #3 June 26, 2011; #4 Oct. 21,
2011; #5 Feb. 25, 2012; #6 June 12, 2012; #7 Feb. 23, 2013; #8 June 23,
2013).
OMNI
NATIONAL/INTERNATIONAL DAYS PROJECT
JUNE IS
UN TORTURE AWARENESS MONTH
JUNE 26
IS UN INTERNATIONAL DAY IN SUPPORT OF VICTIMS OF TORTURE
JULY 17
IS UN INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE DAY, INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT (ICC)
OMNI
EVENTS
UN
TORTURE AWARENESS MONTH, June 22, 2013:
us TORTURE and MURDER PROTEST AT
FEDERAL BLDNG, FAYETTEVILLE .
UN INTERNATIONAL DAY IN
SUPPORT OF VICTIMS OF TORTURE, JUNE 26, Film at OMNI, War on Whistleblowers
UN International Justice
Day, July 17, Book Forum
My blog: War Department/Peace Department
My Newsletters:
Index:
See Bush, Cheney, Civil
Liberties, Constitution, Lawlessness, Militarism, NDAA newsletters, Rice
(Condoleeza).
CONTENTS OF NOS. 3-8 AT END
For
OMNI’s newsletters go to: http://www.omnicenter.org/newsletter-archive/). Knowledge, including of the worst behavior,
strengthens the search for the best.
Contents
#9
Glaser,
Obama and CIA Covering Up Bush War Crimes Torture
Klaidman,
Senate Intelligence Committee vs. CIA
New York Times Editorial, Secrecy
Continues, Release the Reports
Hawkins,
Issue Won’t Go Away
Early
CIA Torture, New Bio of Dulles Brothers
John
Perry, Religious Ethics and National
Security
Hajjar,
Torture and Human Rights
Nazi
Torture and Murder ????
Rejali,
Torture and Democracy
Guenther, Solitary Confinement
Coll: Bush, CIA FORMAT
Contact
President Obama
Contents
Nos. 3-8
EXCELLENT DEFENSE OF THE CONSTITUTION BY JUDGE KAPLAN AND AMY DAVIDSON
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OCTOBER 7, 2010
WHO NEEDS
TORTURE?
POSTED BY AMY DAVIDSON
·
·
·
PRINT
·
By insisting on trying Ahmed Ghailani in
civilian court with full constitutional rights, instead of by military
commission, President Obama and Attorney General Holder are jeopardizing the
prosecution of a terrorist who killed 224 people at U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania . If the American people
needed any further proof that this Administration’s policy of treating
terrorism like a law enforcement matter is irresponsible and reckless, they
received it today.
Really, we received proof that the Bush Administration’s use
of torture was irresponsible and reckless. What is Cheney actually saying about
military commissions? If the
exclusion of evidence gained by torture is “proof” of the need for military
commissions, does that mean that they are necessary because they allow us to
torture? All the more reason to avoid them. (And there are some limits even
there: Charles Stimson, a former Bush Administration official, told the Washington Post that “It’s not clear the outcome would
have been any different in a commission.”) What is so desirable about torture
that we would create contorted legal structures—and throw away ones that have
served us well—as tools for torturing?
Let’s even assume, for the sake of argument, that the
information you get from torture is sometimes accurate. When someone will say
anything to make torture stop, how do we know which things he says are good or
not? More torture?
The defense, by the way, does not just get to cry torture
and get things thrown out. From Judge
Lewis Kaplan’s order:
The Court has had the benefit of
extensive evidentiary submissions, a three-day hearing at which Abebe and
representatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the CIA, the Tanzanian
National Police testified, legal briefs, and skilled argument. On the basis of
that record—including importantly its assessment of the credibility of the only
witnesses called to testify who actually were present when Abebe was persuaded
to confess his role, to implicate Ghailani, and to cooperate with
authorities—it now finds and concludes that the government has failed to prove
that Abebe’s testimony is sufficiently attenuated from Ghailani’s coerced
statements to permit its receipt in evidence.
The issue was attenuation because the prosecution did not
even contest that Ghailani had been “coerced.” (One also wonders how Abebe, who
was expected to testify that he had sold TNT to Ghailani, was “persuaded.”)
More from Kaplan:
The Court has not reached this conclusion
lightly. It is acutely aware of the perilous nature of the world in which we
live. But the Constitution is the rock upon which our nation rests.
We must follow it not only when it is convenient, but when fear and danger
beckon in a different direction. To do less would diminish us and undermine the
foundation upon which we stand.
When you lose a game because of fairly called penalties you
don’t blame the penalties; you blame the fouls. And it’s not like this game is
over: Ghailani is still on trial, and one would think that the government has
some other evidence against him. It should: it won an indictment against him in
1998, and chased him for six years before even learning Abebe’s name. If we’d
caught him in the beginning, without the benefit of secret prisons or
Guantánamo, we still could have dealt with him, in America and on American terms. He
has been in New York
for several months now, and the city is doing all right.
It is also interesting to contrast the discreet exclusion of
a single witness because of torture—while the prosecution itself proceeds—with
the way both the Bush and Obama Administrations have been able to get entire cases thrown out by invoking the state-secrets
privilege. Courts do know how to act surgically, if they are allowed to.
So why does it bother Liz Cheney and others so much that an
accused murderer would be tried for his crimes in a real, solid court? Is it
simply because it belies the need for fake courts and indefinite detention?
(That setup has yielded hardly any completed prosecutions.) Or is the idea that
we have to use military commissions so that no one will know what we did in the
years after September 11th? Building a system that, going forward, will
undermine the rule of law is no way to deal with the past. Courts can do that,
too.
·
GUANTANAMO;
·
LIZ CHENEY;
·
TORTURE
·
Charles Pierce. Torture, the CIA, and How We
Lost Our Herd Immunity. Charles
Pierce, Esquire, Reader Supported
News, April 8, 2014
Pierce writes: "Herd immunity remains controversial, and not just among the anti-vaccination folks, but the idea seems sound enough to use to describe what's going on now as we stumblingly re-examine the crimes and horrors of what the government did in our name between the years 2001 and 2008."
READ MORE
Pierce writes: "Herd immunity remains controversial, and not just among the anti-vaccination folks, but the idea seems sound enough to use to describe what's going on now as we stumblingly re-examine the crimes and horrors of what the government did in our name between the years 2001 and 2008."
READ MORE
The CIA Torture Impunity Challenge
John Glaser, Al Jazeera America , Reader Supported News, March 19, 2014
Glaser writes: "The White House and the CIA are currently engaged in an unrelenting battle to cover up the George W. Bush administration's torture program and to maintain a system of impunity for what are obvious war crimes."
READ MORE
John Glaser, Al Jazeera America , Reader Supported News, March 19, 2014
Glaser writes: "The White House and the CIA are currently engaged in an unrelenting battle to cover up the George W. Bush administration's torture program and to maintain a system of impunity for what are obvious war crimes."
READ MORE
Senators Go to War Over Torture
Daniel Klaidman, The Daily Beast , Reader Supported News, Dec. 23, 2013
Klaidman reports: "The Krass nomination is serving as a proxy battle for one of the most intense and enduring wars between the Senate Intelligence Committee and the CIA in recent memory: the fate of the committee's massive and, according to sources familiar with it, brutally critical, report on the agency's harsh interrogation program."
READ MORE
Daniel Klaidman, The Daily Beast , Reader Supported News, Dec. 23, 2013
Klaidman reports: "The Krass nomination is serving as a proxy battle for one of the most intense and enduring wars between the Senate Intelligence Committee and the CIA in recent memory: the fate of the committee's massive and, according to sources familiar with it, brutally critical, report on the agency's harsh interrogation program."
READ MORE
Release the Torture Reports, The New York Times Editorial(Dec. 20,
2013), Reader Supported News
23 December 2013.
Excerpt: "A dozen years after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, it is appalling that official reports about the extent and nature of the rendition, detention and torture that came in their aftermath are still being kept from the American public and even members of Congress."
READ MORE
|
Tuesday, November 5,
2013
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Published on Monday, November 4, 2013 by Common Dreams,
RSN
Report: US Military
Doctors Complicit in Torture
Experts
say health professionals used to design and participate in cruel, inhumane, and
degrading torture of military detainees
- Jacob Chamberlain,
staff writer
Tubes used for force-feeding at Guantánamo.
(John Riley/EPA) According to a study published this week, doctors and
psychologists working for the U.S.
Department of Defense and CIA have participated in the physical and
psychological torture of suspected terrorists in the post-9/11 era.
The report, Ethics Abandoned: Medical
Professionalism and Detainee Abuse in the War on Terror, was conducted by the 19-member Task
Force on Preserving Medical Professionalism in National Security Detention
Centers over a two-year period. The report describes how doctors employed by
the DoD and CIA "designed and participated in cruel, inhumane and
degrading treatment and torture of detainees," and reveals vast breaches
of ethical codes of conduct for health professionals in the name of counterterrorism.
“The American public
has a right to know that the covenant with its physicians to follow
professional ethical expectations is firm regardless of where they serve,” said Task Force member Dr. Gerald Thomson,
Professor of Medicine Emeritus at Columbia
University . “It’s
clear that in the name of national security the military trumped that covenant,
and physicians were transformed into agents of the military and performed acts
that were contrary to medical ethics and practice. We have a responsibility to
make sure this never happens again.”
According to the group, the ways in which the DoD and CIA have
breached medical ethics standards include, but are not limited to:
·
Using
doctors for abusive interrogation; consulting on conditions of confinement to
increase the disorientation and anxiety of detainees;
·
Using
medical information for interrogation purposes;
·
Force-feeding
of hunger strikers;
·
Implementing
rules that permitted medical and psychological information obtained by health
professionals to be used in interrogations;
·
Requiring
physicians and nurses to forgo their independent medical judgment and
counseling roles, as well as to force-feed competent detainees engaged in
hunger strikes even though this is forbidden by the World Medical Association
and the American Medical Association;
The DoD justifies the violations by characterizing health
professionals engaged in interrogation as “safety officers,” the report
highlights.
“Putting on a uniform
does not and should not abrogate the fundamental principles of medical
professionalism,” said David Rothman, president of Institute
on Medicine as a Profession (IMAP), who was behind the Task Force. “‘Do no
harm’ and ‘put patient interest first’ must apply to all physicians regardless
of where they practice.”
Highlighted in the report is a condemnation of the controversial
use of force-feeding on hunger-striking prisoners in the Guantanamo
Bay military prison in Cuba .
The Task Force said force-feeding is a form of torture and
ignores human rights rules governing prisoners of war, as outlined in the
Geneva Conventions.
“The DoD should prohibit the use of force-feeding… and restore
physicians to the proper role of having a true doctor-patient relationship with
detainees engaged in hunger strikes. Taking that course not only is consistent
with medical ethics and human rights but can prevent the confrontations that
have characterized hunger strikes at Guantánamo,” the report states.
____________________
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share
Alike 3.0 License
Greetings Dick [from Tom B],
I just finished the new book "The Brothers" about the Dulles brothers.
On page 135, and others also, the program of secret CIA prisons for torture is documented. "He (Alan Dulles) established secret prisons inGermany ,
Japan , Panama
Canal Zone where suspected double agents were subjected to what
would later be called 'enhanced interrogation'."
….
Too bad those who made their carreers profiting from the Militery Industrial Complex can't seem to admit to the problems as they are and that they seek to brand reformers as the problem causers.
http://www.amazon.com/The-Brothers-Foster-Dulles-Secret/dp/0805094970/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1382642566&sr=8-1&keywords=The+Brothers
I just finished the new book "The Brothers" about the Dulles brothers.
On page 135, and others also, the program of secret CIA prisons for torture is documented. "He (Alan Dulles) established secret prisons in
….
Too bad those who made their carreers profiting from the Militery Industrial Complex can't seem to admit to the problems as they are and that they seek to brand reformers as the problem causers.
http://www.amazon.com/The-Brothers-Foster-Dulles-Secret/dp/0805094970/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1382642566&sr=8-1&keywords=The+Brothers
Torture: Religious
Ethics and National Security
By: John Perry
NOVALIS PRESS (CN) / 2005
Product Information
Format: Paperback
Number of Pages: 192 Vendor: Novalis Press (CN) Publication Date: 2005 |
|
Publisher's Description
Until recently, torture was chiefly associated with foreign
juntas or other notorious human rights abusers. In light of the "war on terror"
this has changed dramatically. Whether it is the abuse of prisoners at Abu
Ghraib, the policy of "extraordinary rendition" of terror suspects
into the hands of overseas interrogators, or questions regarding the authority
of the U.S. President to take extreme measures for the sake of national
security--suddenly the practice of torture has become a matter of urgent public
debate. Reviewing the history and practice of torture, and the arguments used
to justify it, Perry takes us into minds
of both the torturers and their victims. Ultimately, showing why torture is
different from other acts of war, and why it is fundamentally immoral:
"not only because it violates the dignity we owe to the human person but
also because it directly or indirectly degrades any society that would tolerate
it."
[I read a positive rev.
in The Catholic Worker (June-July
2007): “human rights advocacy from a
Roman Catholic perspective”; close
analysis of the ‘tragic case of the Canadian Maher Arar; changes during past 30
years in attitudes and practice of torture; and more. –Dick]
Lisa Hajjar, Professor of Sociology, University of California-Santa
Barbara,
Professor Hajjar has recentlly published Torture: A Sociology of Violence. She is working on legal issues surrounding the prosecution of accused perpetrators of 9/11 and the USS Cole bombing.
Professor Hajjar has recentlly published Torture: A Sociology of Violence. She is working on legal issues surrounding the prosecution of accused perpetrators of 9/11 and the USS Cole bombing.
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From the Editors
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Jadaliyya? Visit our Call for Reviews here.
Lisa Hajjar, Torture: A Sociology of Violence and Human Rights. 2012.
[Cover of Lisa Hajjar,
"Torture: A Sociology of Violence and Human Rights"]
Lisa Hajjar, Torture: A
Sociology of Violence and Human Rights. New York : Routledge, 2012 [“Framing
Twenty-First Century Social Issues” series].
Jadaliyya (J): What inspired you to
write this book?
Lisa Hajjar (LH): Torture is my great and
terrible obsession. I think, read, write, and talk about torture all
the time, as anyone who knows me can attest. I was inspired to write this book in order to share my
knowledge, my passion, and—to be blunt—my anger about torture with college
students, although hopefully people who are not students also will find it
interesting. This book, like others in the Routledge series, Framing
Twenty-First Century Social Issues, is geared primarily to college classroom
teaching; it costs less than ten dollars, is about sixty pages long, has
discussion questions at the end of each chapter, and a glossary of key terms
and concepts at the back.
Of course everyone who writes books
hopes lots of people will read them. But my inspiration for writing this book
is partly instrumental: I hope that many students will be assigned Torture in a class, and that reading it
will inspire them to contribute to changing the national conversation about
torture. The national conversation in the US continues to be dominated by
those who propagate falsehoods, like the ludicrous assertion that torture
produces “good intelligence,” or that waterboarding is not “torture” if
Americans do it, or that some people have no right not to be tortured. I wrote
this book in order to arm students with information and analysis so that they
might be intellectually empowered to be boldly, aggressively, and
unapologetically anti-torture. This book is a cri
de couer to the next
generation of leaders and voters.
Another inspiration for writing this book was a desire to synthesize my work on law and conflict,
violence and human rights in one slim and accessible volume. I boiled down
and blended some of the arguments that are dispersed in various scholarly
articles and chapters. Among the key questions that I raise and answer in this
book are: Why do states torture? Does torture work? Why is the right not to be
tortured so uniquely important? Why is torture so prevalent? Why is
accountability for torture so important legally and so fraught politically?
J: What particular topics, issues, and
literatures does the book address?
LH: This book is not just about US torture
in the “war on terror,” although that is how it begins and ends. It includes a
history of torture, going back to the ancient Greeks and Romans. The use of
violence to elicit statements from suspects or witnesses to crimes in these
ancient law-state-society complexes made the practice of torture necessary and
legitimate means of enforcing the law and maintaining social order. Starting in
the twelfth century, the reliance on torture to obtain confessions was
replicated and expanded in continental Europe .
The practice of pre-modern torture was affected by major historical events,
like the Black Plague, the Protestant Reformation, the Counter-Reformation, and
centuries of religious wars, inquisitions, and witch hunting.
[The Marquise de Brinvilliers being tortured with water before her beheading, by F. Monchablon. Image from Wiki Commons.]
The history of torture is also deeply embedded in the
socio-political and legal transformations that mark the rise of modernity.
Starting in the eighteenth century, torture was abolished from the legal
systems in many countries in the sense that it was no longer an acceptable
means of law enforcement to elicit confessions. The abolition of torture and
its political delegitimization are integral to the emergence of the modern rule
of law and limitations on governmental powers, political transformations of
state sovereignty to reflect and accommodate demands for national
self-determination, and the socio-legal construction of human beings as
rights-bearing subjects. The first extract below is drawn from the section of
the book that discusses abolition and delegitimization.
Yet despite abolition and delegitimization, torture did not
stop. Rather, it went “underground,” so to speak, to become an extra-legal
practice, usually conducted in clandestine or otherwise inaccessible settings.
The paradox of torture in the modern era is that it is both pervasive and
illegal. I explain its twentieth and twenty-first century pervasiveness by
anchoring the analysis around two key questions: Why torture? Who is deemed
torturable? In answering these questions, I offer a comparative framework that
highlights the relationship between regime types (totalitarian, authoritarian,
colonial, democratic) and official perceptions and practices of national
security. I provide examples drawn from all over the world. The second excerpt
below discusses Israeli torture of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza .
The other side of the paradox,
torture’s illegality, opens up a vista onto the relationship among violence,
rights, and law. The legal abolition of torture produced the right not to be tortured; this
is a negative right, meaning that there is no right to engage in the prohibited
practices that are legally defined as torture. I use the discussion of torture
and rights to engage more broadly and comparatively with different kinds of
rights, including the creation and development of human rights in the
post-World War II era. I also emphasize that torture is a crime, comparable in
some ways to other gross crimes in international law: genocide, war crimes, and
crimes against humanity. In the post-Cold War era, the enforceability of
international criminal law has undergone some substantial changes, including
the establishment of new institutions and new uses for the doctrine of
universal jurisdiction. I link these developments to recent efforts to hold
people responsible for torture legally accountable.
In the last part of the book, I discuss the effects of torture
on victims, perpetrators, perpetrating institutions, and whole societies where
torture is or has been rampant. The third excerpt below locates the
consequences of US
torture in a broader global and historical perspective.
J: How does this work connect to your
previous research and writing?
LH: The most enduring theme of my
scholarship focuses on contestations over “what is legal” in the context of war
and other forms of violent political conflict. My first book, Courting Conflict: The Israeli
Military Court System in the West Bank and Gaza (University of California
Press , 2005), includes extensive research on
torture as a multifaceted phenomenon, as well as anti-torture activism and
litigation. Since 9/11, much of my work has focused on the US global “war
on terror,” especially the government’s interrogation and detention policies.
Because US policies in the post-9/11
era either resembled or emulated the Israeli government’s approach to law and
conflict, my expertise on Israel/Palestine positioned me to be an early interlocutor and analyst of some
of the most contentious issues arising in the context of the “war on terror.”
Because the Bush administration strived to “legalize” torture through a radical
reinterpretation of international and domestic laws governing the interrogation
and detention of prisoners captured in war, litigation emerged as—and
remains—the primary strategy for challenging American torture and other issues
related to the status and treatment of such prisoners. Anti-torture work in the
US
has been dominated by lawyers, and cumulatively takes the form of a legal campaign. I am writing a monograph based on my
ethnographic study of this anti-torture legal campaign.
[Israeli interrogators routinely used hooding, stress positions, and painful cuffing. Image by David Gerstein.]
I have deep respect and admiration for people who have engaged
in the hard and often frustrating work of fighting against the use of torture
and pursuing accountability for perpetrators. In the US , theirs has been a rather lonely
struggle, in the sense that there has emerged no wider popular support for
these causes. On the contrary, according to numerous public opinion polls and social scientific research, popular
acceptance of torture is on the rise. By writing this short teaching book, I
hope to contribute to changing that fact by raising students’ (and others’)
awareness about what is wrong with torture.
Excerpts from Torture: A Sociology of Violence
and Human Rights
GOOGLE SEARCH SEPT. 16, 2012
Scholarly articles for Hajjar,
Torture, Sociology of Violence
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the … - Hajjar - Cited by 5
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Torture and Democracy
Winner of the 2009 Lemkin
Award, Institute for the Study of Genocide |
Read interview. ( |
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This
is the most comprehensive, and most comprehensively chilling, study of modern
torture yet written. Darius Rejali, one of the world's leading experts on
torture, takes the reader from the late nineteenth century to the aftermath
of Abu Ghraib, from slavery and the electric chair to electrotorture in
American inner cities, and from French and British colonial prison cells and
the Spanish-American War to the fields of Vietnam, the wars of the Middle
East, and the new democracies of Latin America and Europe.
As
Rejali traces the development and application of one torture technique after
another in these settings, he reaches startling conclusions. As the twentieth
century progressed, he argues, democracies not only tortured, but set the
international pace for torture. Dictatorships may have tortured more, and
more indiscriminately, but the
Rejali
makes this troubling case in fluid, arresting prose and on the basis of
unprecedented research--conducted in multiple languages and on several
continents--begun years before most of us had ever heard of Osama bin Laden
or Abu Ghraib. The author of a major study of Iranian torture, Rejali also
tackles the controversial question of whether torture really works, answering
the new apologists for torture point by point. A brave and disturbing book,
this is the benchmark against which all future studies of modern torture will
be measured.
"Rejali's
approach is to track the different behaviors, trends and traditions in
torture throughout history to see who influenced whom and what they
did...Rejali, a leading expert on government interrogation techniques,
reaches key conclusions. First, monitoring by human rights groups doesn't
stop torture, it simply causes torturers to resort to techniques that don't
scar...Second, most contemporary torture traditions were passed on like
crafts from teacher to apprentice...Third, Rejali writes, a person being
tortured is likely to say whatever he thinks his captors want to hear, making
it one of the poorest methods of gathering reliable information."--Laurel
Maury,
"Torture
and Democracy immediately
lays claim to be the most compendious and the most rigorous treatment of the
subject yet written. Saul Bellow used to say that we are constantly looking
for the book it is necessary to read next. On torture, this is it...Torture
and Democracy is the
anatomy of sneaky. Rejali regales us with tales of every technique of torture
known to man...Rejali's analysis of efficacy is exemplary: at once prudent
and trenchant, historically alert and morally sentient."--Alex
Danchev, Times Higher
Education
"[A]
magisterial study of torture and how it has developed as a social and moral
issue with a focus on developments through the last century."--Scott
Horton, Harper's Magazine
Link:
Solitary
Confinement: Social
Death and Its Afterlives. U of
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The
Question
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Author:
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Henri
Alleg
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Genre:
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Non-fiction
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Written:
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1958 (
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Length:
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107
pages
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Original
in:
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French
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Availability:
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|
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- French
title: La question
- Translated
by John Calder
- With
a new Afterword by the author, translated by David L. Schalk
- With
a Foreword by Ellen Ray (2006)
- With
an Introduction by James D. Le Sueur (2006)
- With
a Preface by Jean-Paul Sartre (1958)
Our Assessment:
B+ : disturbing
historical document, useful reminder
Source
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Rating
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Date
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Reviewer
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Bookforum
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.
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9-11/2006
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David Levi Strauss
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The New Republic
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.
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30/6/1958
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Percy Winner
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The NY Times Book Rev.
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.
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8/6/1958
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D.W.Brogan
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.
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9/6/1958
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.
|
From the Reviews:
- "Henri Alleg's
incendiary little book (.....) (S)uccinct and affecting" - David Levi Strauss, Bookforum
- "Written with spare and
simple candor, the book is much more than a scalding footnote to
fever-hot headlines. The Question does not stop with the Algerian question
but goes on to ask: What does it mean to be a human being ? It tells of
the shame and glory of man." - Time
Please note that these ratings solely represent the complete review's biased interpretation and subjective
opinion of the actual reviews and do not claim to accurately reflect or
represent the views of the reviewers. Similarly the illustrative quotes
chosen here are merely those the complete reviewsubjectively believes
represent the tenor and judgment of the review as a whole. We acknowledge
(and remind and warn you) that they may, in fact, be entirely
unrepresentative of the actual reviews by any other measure.
Henri Alleg's account
of being tortured by the French authorities in Algeria
in the late 1950s was a landmark book, a bestseller that "has the
distinction of being the first book banned in France since the eighteenth
century" and was widely translated. The introductory material, including
Jean-Paul Sartre's piece, provides much of the background and the
circumstances surrounding the Alleg-case, and the story surrounding the book
and the man is an interesting one in and of itself.
A Frenchman living inAlgeria ,
Alleg was the publisher of the leftist Alger républicain. He was arrested by
the French (though he doesn't mention any specific charge being made against
him) and almost immediately subjected to a gruesome series of tortures, in
order to get him to talk (about who he worked with and for, and where they
can be found). The descriptions of the torture are striking and horrible (and
fortunately not too extensive), but an equally strong impression is left by
the descriptions of those doing the dirty work. For the most part, it seems
they were just trying to push his body to see how much it could take; getting
actual information doesn't seem to have been that high a priority (or if it
was they sure did a bad job in how they went about trying to break him). When
they dope him up on pentothal (to use a different -- and doctor-assisted --
approach) the attempt to get him to talk is almost comic.
It's a ridiculous game, with human beings as the playthings -- and it's completely surreal, as when one of the big paras asks:
A Frenchman living in
It's a ridiculous game, with human beings as the playthings -- and it's completely surreal, as when one of the big paras asks:
'Were you
tortured in the Resistance ?'
'No; it's the first time,' I replied.
'You've done well,' he said with the air of a connoisseur. 'You're very tough.'
'No; it's the first time,' I replied.
'You've done well,' he said with the air of a connoisseur. 'You're very tough.'
Alleg's
book is perhaps most shocking because it shows torture simply as another way
of life. Sure, officially the French weren't too proud of it and denied they
were doing this, but for all these people it was just business as usual,
pointless violence and evil institutionalised. There were some participants
who obviously didn't feel comfortable with what they were doing, and showed
some sort of mercy to the victims; others were completely merciless.
Sartre sums things up well in his Preface, including the observation:
Sartre sums things up well in his Preface, including the observation:
Appalled,
the French are discovering this terrible truth: that if nothing can protect a
nation against itself, neither its traditions nor its loyalties nor its laws,
and if fifteen years are enough to transform victims into executioners, then
its behaviour is not more than a matter of opportunity and occasion. Anybody,
at any time, may equally find himself victim or executioner.
He
also notes:
Torture
is neither civilian nor military, nor is it specifically French: it is a
plague infecting our whole era. There are brutes East as well as West.
That
was half a century ago, but the plague remains. Indeed, his discussion is
just as relevant as ever, the arguments much the same:
How are
the torturers justified ? It is sometimes said that it is right to torture a
man if his confession can save a hundred lives. This is nice hypocrisy.
And:
Arrests
are made at random. Every Arab can be 'questioned' at will. The majority of
the tortured say nothing because they have nothing to say unless, to avoid
torture, they agree to bear false witness or confess to a crime they have not
committed.
As
the other introductory pieces note, the book is sadly relevant again today,
as the United States has joined the list of pathetic nations that employ
torture (using, among other things, the creative excuse that what they do
isn't torture, at least not the way they define it (never mind that it is
according to everybody else's definition ...)).
Alleg's Afterword, from almost five decades after the events, still betrays considerable bitterness, not so much about what was done to him as to how those responsible were protected by the authorities. Remarkably, wholesale condemnation of these practices, past and present, is hard to find, the practise excused as necessity or the torturers excused as just doing their duty -- so, too, now in theUnited
States ..
In her Foreword Ellen Ray warns that: "today in the United States we run risk that the public has become anesthetized to what is happening", but it seems more like there simply isn't that widespread moral outrage that such conduct calls for: far too many citizens buy the administration line that in the 'war against terror' anything goes -- even a little bit of torture (especially when it's done offshore, and mainly to those darker-skinned foreigners ...). Perhaps Alleg's account can help open some eyes to the dehumanizing futility of torture in practise; one can always hope.
Alleg's Afterword, from almost five decades after the events, still betrays considerable bitterness, not so much about what was done to him as to how those responsible were protected by the authorities. Remarkably, wholesale condemnation of these practices, past and present, is hard to find, the practise excused as necessity or the torturers excused as just doing their duty -- so, too, now in the
In her Foreword Ellen Ray warns that: "today in the United States we run risk that the public has become anesthetized to what is happening", but it seems more like there simply isn't that widespread moral outrage that such conduct calls for: far too many citizens buy the administration line that in the 'war against terror' anything goes -- even a little bit of torture (especially when it's done offshore, and mainly to those darker-skinned foreigners ...). Perhaps Alleg's account can help open some eyes to the dehumanizing futility of torture in practise; one can always hope.
The Question:
- University of Nebraska Press publicity page
- Les Éditions de Minuit publicity page
Reviews:
- Al-Ahram Weekly
- Philippe Nadouce (French)
- Time
La Question - the film:
Henri
Alleg is French journalist who was editor of Alger républicain.
[I also read a positive rev. in The Catholic Worker (June-July 2007. –
Dick).]
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US Torture
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