Saturday, September 12, 2026

OMNI UKRAINE WAR ANTHLOGY #38 September 12, 2026

 

OMNI

UKRAINE WAR ANTHLOGY #38

September 12, 2026

Compiled by Dick Bennett for a Culture of Peace, Justice,  Ecology,  and Democracy

https://omnicenter.org/donate/     

 

What’s at Stake:   In these 38 anthologies this one war provides a rich mine of studies of the  causes and solutions of wars.   Preventing and stopping wars have been the great themes of the United Nations, and these anthologies provide their substance.        A sub-set of the subject, particularly well-illustrated by this war, is the question of when the war began.  Once that is established, numerous other topics are clarified.  But what if the two sides disagree, as they often do, over the starting date, and as they do dramatically in this war?   Then you witness a clash over etiology that conditions the whole debate on both sides.    If you believe, as these authors do, that the war began in 2014 (and even earlier) when ultra-nationalist, Russo-phobic Ukrainians overthrew by a coup the elected pro-Russian government of President Viktor Yanukovich, then you sympathise with the Ukrainian resistance movement centered in the southeastern, culturally Russian Donbas region, and with their Russian defenders.  If you believe the war began in 2022, then Russia invaded without cause other than imperial expansion, and you side with the Ukrainian government.  The opening article summarizes this conflict from the rebel/Russian perspective.  Three books expand on this contextual interpretation of the war and proposals for peace.  The remaining articles examine aspects of the war and the search for peace.

CONTENTS
Introduction

War clouds over Europe?” by Johann Rossouw, presenting enemies as they see themselves, with main sympathy for the rebel perspective.  (A brief but comprehensive  narrative  that counters the US/NATO perspective.)
 Substantiation    THREE Books also support the rebel/Russian  way of seeing the war:
Aaron Maté.
 Their Blood, Our Bullets: The Hidden Story of the US–Russia War for Ukraine.

Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J.S. Davies.  War in Ukraine.
Jacques Baud.   Operation Z.

WAR
Grumette.  “Retribution.”
Russ Bellant.  Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party. 
Joe Lauria.  On Neo-Nazi Influence in Ukraine.”  
Snider and Hill.  “Escalation in Ukraine and the Continued Danger of a Wider War.”
Craig Murray.   “Nonsense Drones & Novichok.”   (Russophobia).
Anatol Lieven.   “Verdun in the Donbas.”
Andrew Day.   
 “Zelensky’s Top Man Is a Big Problem.”
Ted Galen Carpenter.    “NATO Must Say No to Ukraine No-Fly Zone.”


PEACE
Three articles on Sept. 6, 2026 Witkoff and Kushner Peace Negotiations.
Yanis Varoufakis.   “Why I went to Moscow.”
Geoffrey Roberts.  “What Would George Kennan Say about Ukraine?”  
Patrick Lawrence.  “What? Peace in Our Times?”  (Trump’s peace proposal).
“Ukraine Agrees to US-sponsored Deal to End war with Russia.”
Matt Bivens, MD.    “America could still end the war in Ukraine.” 
“John Mearsheimer.  “Why Sanctions Will Not Work.”
Ted Snider.    “Why Is There Still No Peace in Ukraine? The Unusual Suspects. 

 

TEXTS

WAR AND PEACE:  KNOWLEDGE OF HISTORY, CONTEXTS, including study of the way political opponents view the world.

War clouds over Europe?” by Johann Rossouw.

A response to Jan-Jan Joubert Via Emmanuel Todd.   .Dec 13, 2025<emmanueltodd@substack.com>    [I have inked key words and phrases (a pinkie  Index) more than usual to enable myself and readers to review the essay quickly.  If it is not helpful to you, delete all the bold by the touch of a key.     –D]

 

 

Johann Rossouw is a polyglot South African philosophy professor, who regularly comments geopolitical events in various outlets including Le Monde Diplomatique. We have been exchanging a lot, and he kindly translated many of my articles.   He would be part of what I like to envision as a kind of Western intellectual coalition for reason and peace, along with Jeffrey Sachs and John Mearsheimer (Americans), Anatol Lieven (British) and Pierre Lellouche, and myself (French).  

War clouds over Europe? A response to Jan-Jan Joubert By Johann Rossouw.
The journalist and historian, Jan-Jan Joubert, rightly voices his concern over clouds of war currently gathering over Europe (the national Afrikaans South African Sunday paper, Rapport newspaper, 2025/11/30; paywalled). The grounds on which he bases his concern do, however, raise questions.

​Joubert’s article follows the arguments of Western European liberal mainstream media and politicians such as Emmanuel Macron, Friedrich Merz, and Ursula von der Leyen.

​It is all very well to offer this perspective like Joubert does, but anybody who would like to see peace in Ukraine should at least also take the Russian perspective on the conflict into account – as well as those of authoritative Western critics of the mainstream liberal European perspective.

The first problem with Joubert’s argument is that he – rather inexplicably for a historian – writes on the behaviour of Russia under President Vladimir Putin without the merest reference to the historical context within which the conflict in Ukraine emerged.

Prof. Jeffrey Sachs of Columbia University is probably the world’s pre-eminent development economist, who advises or has advised governments across the world – including those of Russia and Ukraine. In a speech that he gave on 21 January 2025 to the European parliament he discusses the contribution that the American-led West made between the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the Biden Administration end 2024 to the stoking of the conflict.

​The most important facts that Sachs highlights are the following. While the Warsaw Pact was disbanded under the initiative of Russia in 1991, the USA decided to expand NATO further to the East with the aim of weakening Russia and to exclude them from a possible multi-polar world order.  [See the extensive, ongoing controversy over the US motives for bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki: save US soldiers’ lives or threaten Soviet Union.  –Dick]

​In 1997 the influential former national security adviser of President Jimmy Carter, Zbigniew Bzersinski, publishes a book in which he explicitly advocates, as part of this strategy, turning Ukraine against Russia and bringing it under Western influence.

This strategy is subsequently followed by one US administration after the other, amongst others by destabilising various Ukrainian governments, first in the so-called Orange Revolution of 2004/5, and then in the so-called Maidan Revolution of 2014. Sachs refers to the latter as a coup, and this on the basis of the self-avowed role that high-ranking US officials such as Victoria Nuland played in the overthrow of the then democratically elected pro-Russian government of President Viktor Yanukovich. Shortly afterwards the new ultra-nationalist Ukrainian government prohibits Russian as official language – including in schools in the East of Ukraine, that is the Donbass, which is overwhelmingly ethnically Russian or Russian-speaking. Undoubtedly this contributes to the establishment of resistance movements in the Donbass against the Ukrainian government, which leads to a conflict in which more than 15 000 residents of the Donbass lose their lives by early 2022.

​From the Russian perspective it is also in reaction to more than 25 years’ American-led Western aggression against Russia that Russia in 2014 annexes Crimea, which was Russian from 1783 to 1954.

​Subsequently the Minsk agreements are negotiated, which, amongst other things recognise the rights of the ethnically Russian/ Russian-speaking minority in the Donbass. From the Western side France and Germany were supposed to ensure that the stipulations of the treaties were applied, but this did not happen.

​In 2021 Russia asks for negotiations with the Biden Administration. Russia demands at the end of 2021 that Ukraine not be granted membership of NATO; demands as part of a proposed new security pact with the West certain limits on NATO activities; and requests a new security treaty with the USA. The Biden Administration rejects these proposals.

​The philosophical anthropologist, René Girard explains in his 2007 book on the mimetic rivalry between Europe’s two great powers between 1800 and 1950, France and Germany, that in conflict between two rivalrous countries there is often an escalation of tension in which both countries consider the other as the aggressor.

​This is precisely what happens in the build-up of both the Ukrainian and Russian armies between 2014 and 2022, where both parties accuse each other of being the aggressor. From the Russian perspective the final spark to set off the powder keg was according to Prof. Beom-sik Shin of the Institute for Peace and Unification Studies of Seoul National University, in the weeks before President Putin recognised the independence of the ethnically Russian/ Russian-speaking Donetsk and Luhansk republics of the Donbas and invaded Ukraine, the fact that the region was targeted by about 130, 000 Ukrainian government soldiers. From the Russian perspective the invasion of Ukraine was thus to protect Russian sovereignty against the West, as well as to protect the ethnically Russian/ Russian-speaking minority against the Ukrainian government.

Joubert repeats another claim of the liberal Western European mainstream, namely that there exists a parallel between the concessions of Britain and France to Hitler in 1938, and that which is taking place today between Putin and Europe.

​It is generally accepted that Hitler’s motivation for invading some European countries was to create a so-called Lebensraum for Germans in Eastern Europe, and to create a “racially pure” dispensation under German leadership for the “Germanic nations” of The Netherlands, Flanders and the Nordic countries.

​Joubert, however, prefers to ascribe Hitler’s motivation to economic considerations, that is, a German shortage of resources, labour and minerals – and he speculates that Russia will in future attack Europe to obtain “assets and minerals”. This is truly a strange idea since Russia is rich in oil and several different types of minerals, including strategically important rare earth minerals.

Macron, Merz and Von der Leyen do not pass up any opportunity to claim that Russia will in due course attack Europe, but without ever providing verifiable evidence for this – or making clear what motives Russia would have for such an action. Moreover, after more than three and a half years (and not two and a half as Joubert states), Russia has not yet been able to reach its military goals in Ukraine – and this while Russia has the fifth largest army in the world. Estimations of Russian mortalities in the conflict with Ukraine vary from 600 000 to 1 million – how on earth would Russia be able to demographically afford attacking Europe?

​The world’s leading thinker on realism in geopolitics, Prof. John Mearsheimer, as well as many others, point to the actual reason for claims from within European ranks that Russia plans to attack Europe, which is that they thus hope to keep the USA involved in the defence of Europe. The price at which this comes is the demonisation of Russia in Europe and the stoking of fear amongst European populations.

​The leftwing German politician, Sahra Wagenknecht, warned at the end of August in an interview against a further serious risk of the European demonisation of Russia: while Europe and a European security architecture have always been important to Putin, the European alienation of Russia may lead to Putin one day being succeeded by a president that is much more hostile towards Europe, finally writes Europe off, and aligns Russia completely with China against Europe. Putin is undoubtedly already doing this to an extent, which does not predict anything good for the West.

​This article was opened by agreeing with Joubert that clouds of war are indeed gathering over Europe. It is, however, for very different reasons than those argued by Joubert.

​To begin with, the centre-left anthropologist, historian and geopolitical expert, Emmanuel Todd writes as follows about contemporary European Russophobia: “The construction of a post-national Europe is a delusional project when one considers the diversity of the continent. It has led to the expansion of the European Union, cobbled together and unstable, into the former Soviet space. The EU is now Russophobic and warmongering, with its aggression renewed by its economic defeat at the hands of Russia [due to the costs of European sanctions against Russia - Johann Rossouw]. The EU is trying to drag the British, French, German and many other peoples into a real war. But what a strange war it would be, in which the Western elites have adopted   of destroying Russia!”

​Further to this a conservative veteran of the French parliamentary standing committee for foreign affairs and former French minister, Pierre Lellouche, in a recent interview also questions the comparison with 1938, and argues that the comparison should rather be made with 1914, that is, the eve of the First World War when “a group of states that did not want a world war was through an error of judgment by one of them together with an architecture of mutual alliances dragged into a series of events that led to war. I say again: the longer this war lasts, the more it carries the seed of an escalation.”

In conclusion: the war in Ukraine is a classical example of how one great power, namely the USA, takes on another great power, namely Russia, by misusing a weaker state for this, namely Ukraine. In a sober analysis of the peace plan that is currently under negotiation between the USA, Russia and Ukraine, Anatol Lieven explains why it is now Ukraine’s best chance to emerge from the conflict as a relatively sovereign state with relatively good security guarantees.

​If this does not happen, it is predictable that Ukraine will be worse and worse off, while avoidable clouds of war will be gathering over Europe.   2025 Emmanuel Todd
548 Market Street PMB 72296, San Francisco, CA 94104



Four SCHOLARLY BOOKS on WAR AND PEACE in the Ukraine
[UAF’s Mullins Library owns or has ordered all 4.  –D]

Aaron Maté.  Their Blood, Our Bullets.  The Hidden Story of the US–Russia War for Ukraine.    OR BOOKS, 2026.  370.
Publisher’s description:
The hotly anticipated debut from an award-winning journalist reveals the hidden story of the US-Russia proxy war in Ukraine.

“One hell of a reporter who knows how to get at the truth.”  —Seymour Hersh

“Exposes wars and crimes and corruption—Maté, a courageous, independent journalist, has done a great service.”   —Katrina vanden Heuvel

“A must-read for anyone hoping to transcend Western propaganda about the Ukraine War.”   —John J. Mearsheimer

In this bombshell investigation, years in the making, Aaron Maté exposes Washington’s professed support for Ukrainian sovereignty and democracy as a sham.

Building on the rigorous, fearless reporting that has established him as a leading independent journalist, Maté irrefutably documents how the US and its NATO allies have meddled in Ukraine with the real aim of weakening and destabilizing Russia.   In pursuit of this aggressive geopolitical design, successive US administrations exploited Ukraine’s internal divisions and sabotaged every chance for compromise while relentlessly backing Russia into a corner. Gambling with the global economy and risking nuclear war, US planners then provoked and prolonged an illegal Russian invasion that has had catastrophic consequences—for the Ukrainian people above all.

Washington’s cynical foreign policy did not just detonate peace in Europe but also deranged politics at home. Controversies around Russia and Ukraine played a pivotal role in three consecutive US presidential campaigns, driving the national hysteria known as “Russiagate” as well as the first impeachment of Donald Trump.

With Trump’s re-election pledge to broker peace still elusive, Maté presents a groundbreaking account of how the Russia–Ukraine conflict came to be, and how a brutal proxy war with existential stakes for humanity can finally be resolved.

Aaron Maté is an independent journalist and co-host of the podcast Useful Idiots. He has reported and produced for outlets including The GrayzoneThe Nation, The Real News, Al Jazeera, and Real Clear Investigations. He won a 2019 Izzy Award for outstanding achievement in independent media and was previously a longtime producer at Democracy Now!

 

Richard Sakwa.   The Russo-Ukrainian War: Follies of Empire.  Lynne Rienner, 2026.

The number of casualties in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war is rapidly approaching 1.5 million, with no resolution in sight … a staggering reality. Seeking to make what sense is possible of this catastrophic conflict, Richard Sakwa meticulously explores the origins, course, and consequences of the war in the sweeping context of global and domestic politics since 1945.
Sakwa's balanced analysis centers on what he perceives as the five levels of the conflict: the dynamics of Ukrainian politics, the evolution of Russo-Ukrainian relations, the relationship between Russia and the West, broad changes in international politics, and the prospects for a viable and sustainable peace. In explaining—without endorsing—the logic behind actions on all sides, his goal is to contribute to a path toward that peace.

Richard Sakwa is professor emeritus of politics at the University of Kent at Canterbury.

 

“The U.S.'s Catastrophic Role in Ukraine.” 
WAR IN UKRAINE by Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J.S. Davies.  2022.  Revised and Expanded 2025.    OR Books <info@orbooks.com> 

[I haven’t compared the 1st with the revised edition, but the first is excellent, so the 2nd promises to be even better.   Some of you might remember Medea from her two visits to OMNI, and she is famous for co-founding CODEPINK.   –D]   
NOTE FROM THE AUTHORS  

Our book explains why Russia's aggression does not exonerate the United States for its own catastrophic role in the disintegration and destruction of Ukraine. Trump must own up to this reality when he meets Putin in Alaska if he hopes to make peace with Russia and save Ukraine. 

 

 

 

This careful, informed, judicious study is an invaluable guide to understanding Russia’s criminal invasion of Ukraine, and most crucially, how we can act to help bring this terrible tragedy to an end.”—Noam Chomsky
“This book is an important antidote to the war propaganda about Ukraine that so many in the West are caught up in.”   —Mairead Maguire

 

Jacques Baud’s Operation Z (2022, English ed. 2023) is a distinguished scholarly book published the same year as Benjamin’s and Davies’.   Baud uses Ukrainian and Western sources to discover the truth about the so-called “Russian invasion” by examining the validity of those sources.  It is both a history of the war from its inception in the 2014 coup and a criticism of Western mainstream media reporting of that history.  Baud doesn’t refer to George Orwell’s 1984, but the book provides a doublespeak analysis of the contradictions permeating US-Western-Ukraine pronouncements.   It is also organized with diagrammatic order.  --Dick

The latter 2 books were reviewed in earlier anthologies.

 

 

 

THE WAR (IN CONTRAST TO THE PRECEDING ANTHOLOGIES, #12  REFLECTS THE INCREASING ATTENTION TO A PEACEFUL FUTURE)

A Reflection on RETRIBUTION and REVENGE?  These 2 articles examine an important context of the Ukraine War.   Steve Grumette.  “Retribution: A Defense of the Indefensible.”  Christo Roberts.  “Response to Steve Grumette.”   Free Inquiry (Aug./Sept. 2026).

 

Ukraine Nazi History
Russ Bellant.  Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party.  South End P, 1988.  A PRA Book.
History of “Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazi Collaboration” [and anti-communism, their extension into the  US]  pp. 67-73. 

Critical Thinking, Historical Knowledge, Etiology, Context  
Joe Lauria. 
On Neo-Nazi Influence in Ukraine.”   April 20, 2025.     Consortium News (5-13-25).  A short history of neo-Nazism in Ukraine. 

 

Ted Snider and Alexander Hill.    “Escalation in Ukraine and the Continued Danger of a Wider War.”   ACURA (JulY 24, 2026).

The Russo-Ukrainian war has featured a parade of escalations on both sides.
Read in browser »

 

Craig Murray.   “Nonsense Drones & Novichok.”    (9-9-26).

The notion that nuclear war should be fought over who is mayor of Lugansk has so little public support that Russophobia is being assiduously stoked by Western governments and the E.U. itself. Read here...

 

Anatol Lieven.   “Verdun in the Donbas.”  ACURA (Oct 29, 2025).
The future of Ukraine and Russia, of European security, and of US-Russian relations now all hang on a few small half-ruined towns in the northwestern part of Donetsk province. Indeed, given the continued risk of a radical escalation leading to actual conflict between NATO and Russia, the stakes may be higher even than that. 
Read in browser »

Andrew Day.   “Zelensky’s Top Man Is a Big Problem.”  The American Conservative (October 28, 2025).  ACURA (Oct 29, 2025).
Andriy Yermak, Zelensky’s chief of staff and right-hand man has become as powerful as the Ukrainian president, if not more so.  
Read in browser »

Ted Galen Carpenter.    “NATO Must Say No to Ukraine No-Fly Zone
.”   ACURA (Oct 06, 2025).
NATO leaders and their supporters in the news media are responding to the rising tensions by reviving an idea from the earliest days of the Kremlin’s February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine: imposing a no-fly zone over that country. It is an especially provocative and dangerous scheme that carries a serious risk of triggering World War […]
Read in browser »

 

 

ENDING THE WAR, PEACEMAKING

3 Articles on Peace Negotiations Sept. 6
Responsible Statecraft: U.S. envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner reportedly travel to Moscow and Kyiv.”  ACURA (Sep 06, 2026).      “It is unclear whether the Americans are bringing new proposals to the two presidents, or are pushing them to close the gap on the remaining issues, which include who will ultimately control the Donbas, Ukrainian territory that is partly occupied by Russia,” according to a New York Times report.  Read in browser »
AXIOS.  “ Witkoff and Kushner make first Kyiv visit for peace talks.”   ACURA (Sep 06, 2026).
President Trump’s envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner arrived in Kyiv on Sunday for diplomatic talks aimed at resuming negotiations between Russia and Ukraine.   Read in browser »
Politico. “Putin signs off on 72-hour ceasefire with Kyiv as US envoys visit
.  ACURA (Sep 06, 2026) .
Russian President Vladimir Putin on Saturday ordered a three-day halt to strikes on Kyiv as U.S. special envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner arrived in Moscow hoping to restart stalled negotiations to end the war in Ukraine.


Yanis Varoufakis.   “Why I went to Moscow
.”   Unherd (April 8, 2026).  ACURA (Apr 12, 2026).
Since the invasion of Ukraine, Europe has had only two options regarding its stance toward Russia: forever war or offering Russia a sensible peace and security pact.
Read in browser »

The Ukraine War is Not Containment
Geoffrey Roberts.   “What Would George Kennan Say About Ukraine?”   (2014).   ACURA (Nov 26, 2025).   Read in browser »

. . .The original architect of containment was George F. Kennan, a hitherto obscure diplomat in the US embassy in Moscow who captured the public imagination when, in 1947, he published an article in Foreign Affairs entitled “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” . . . .

Kennan saw containment as fundamentally a political strategy. Military power should be reserved for protection not projection. The Soviet foe would be vanquished in a contest of values and ideas. In the late 1940s Kennan was disturbed by what he saw as the militarisation of his concept of containment – the establishment of NATO, the division of Germany and the ever-deepening cold war divide in Europe.

Kennan opposed the 1950s version of today’s regime-change policy, the so-called liberation strategy of Eisenhower’s Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles. Kennan argued the communist bloc would change as a result of internal processes not through the force of external threats or intrigues. Liberationist rhetoric would only entrench Soviet hardliners. “We must be gardeners and not mechanics in our approach to world affairs,” urged Kennan in his lectures on The Realities of American Foreign Policy at Princeton University in 1954.

Kennan was particularly irked by the western failure to understand Soviet anxiety about NATO and the rearming of West Germany in the 1950s – it was, after all, less than a decade since the end of a war in which millions of Soviet citizens had been massacred by the Germans. While Soviet perceptions of a western military threat were exaggerated, their underlying fears were genuine. Western leaders seemed unable to grasp how their own fears were being mirrored by those of the Soviets. . . . [In several ways Cold War SU=US and vice versa.  -D]
An expert on Soviet and Russian military and foreign policy, Professor Geoffrey Roberts is Head of the School of History at University College Cork, Ireland. The author of "Stalin’s General: The Life of Georgy Zhukov" (Random House 2012), which won the Society of Military History’s Distinguished Book Award for Biograph.,

 

What? Peace In Our Time? by Patrick Lawrence.   History News Network.  Consortium NewsPopular Resistance.org (11-26-25).   

[I recommend reading this entire analysis of Trump’s Ukraine peace proposal much from Russia’s perspective.  Here’s a hunk of it from the middle, especially on the Minsk Accords.  –D]   “ . . .There are numerous on-the-ground provisions among its 28 clauses. No. 19 specifies that the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant along the Dnieper River, controlled by Russian forces since March 2022, less than a month into the war, will be restarted under the authority of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the electricity it generates will go equally to Russia and Ukraine. Russia is to allow Ukrainians to use the Dnieper ‘for commercial activities’.” (No. 23).

There is to be a prisoner swap (No. 24a) and, a family reunion program (24c). A general amnesty will extend to “all parties involved in the conflict” (No. 26). “Measures will be taken,” No. 24d states, “to alleviate the suffering of victims of the conflict.”

These clauses, boilerplate humanitarian provisions and low-hanging fruit, are worthy enough, but read to me as greeting-card niceties next to the weightier items in this plan.

There is the much-discussed, much-disputed question of territory. Crimea and the Donbas — Luhansk and Donetsk — will be recognized as Russian territory, but de facto as against de jure. Why this distinction, the Russians would be perfectly right to ask.

The land from which Ukrainian forces will be required to withdraw will be designated a demilitarized zone that belongs to Russia, but the Russians will not be permitted to enter it. Again, what is this all about? As to Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, the southerly provinces Russia and Ukraine each partially control, they are to be divided and fixed at the current line of contact.

No. 22: “After agreeing on future territorial arrangements, the Russian Federation and Ukraine undertake not to change these arrangements by force.”

It is hard to say how either side will view these proposed divisions of territory. They award Moscow much of what it has demanded for some time, but in qualified fashion, and take away from Kiev much of what it has long said it will never surrender. So: Not enough for the Russians? Too much for the Ukrainians?

In my read the drafters’ intent here is to set down working language on the territory question as the basis of a lot of horse-trading. If I am correct, the U.S. side is not saying Kiev must accept or reject these terms as written so much as Kiev must agree finally to stop striking poses and do serious business at the mahogany table.

To be noted in this connection: It is long past time to dismiss all the rubbish of the past three years to the effect that Moscow’s intent has been to seize and occupy all of Ukraine. It is as ridiculous as the Europeans’ preposterous assertions — more cynical than paranoiac —that if the Russians are not stopped in Ukraine they will soon be in London and Lisbon.

In my view the Russians have never been interested in taking land so much as in buffering their borders against the West’s incessant threats. The evidence here begins with President Vladimir Putin’s active support of the Minsk Protocols of September 2014 and February 2015. They were to give the Donbas — Russian-speaking, Eastward-facing — autonomy in a federalized Ukraine.

It was when Kiev and the Minsk accords’ treacherous European backers, the French and the Germans, betrayed the Protocols (and, so, Putin personally and altogether the integrity of the diplomatic process) that the course was set. As Kiev shelled its own citizens daily for the next seven years, Moscow concluded that the federalization project would never work and taking the Donbas militarily was its only alternative.

Whatever territory the Kiev regime will now have to give up, in other words, this outcome owes only to its own reckless miscalculations and those of its supporters in Europe and in the Washington of the Biden years. . . .   -more-
[Contrast Lawrence’s analysis to the following report of US and Ukraine wishful thinking.  –D]

Ukraine Agrees To US-Sponsored Deal To End War With Russia by “News Desk”, The Cradle. Popular Resistance.org (11-26-25). The Ukrainian government has “agreed to a peace deal” to end the nearly three-year war between Moscow and Kiev, a US official told CBS News on 25 November. “The Ukrainians have agreed to the peace deal. There are some minor details to be sorted out, but they have agreed to a peace deal,” the US official said. Ukrainian National Security Advisor Rustem Umerov also said that an understanding has been reached, expressing optimism that Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky would travel to the US by the end of November in order to finalize the deal. -more-

Matt Bivens, MD.    “America could still end the war in Ukraine.”  ACURA (Oct 06, 2025).  But doing so would involve recognizing we helped create and sustain this tragedy, and ought to reexamine NATO (and the CIA). Official Washington would fly into a rage at anyone who tried this. . . .

 Hundreds of physicians from around the world have gathered in Nagasaki, Japan, this week, to discuss our shared belief that we can and should abolish all nuclear weapons. International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) has won a past Nobel Peace Prize for this sort of work. . . .   Read in browser »

[VFP-all] VIDEO.   “John Mearsheimer on US/NATO Reaction to Losing War in Ukraine; Why Sanctions Will Not Work (20 min).  Forwarded by Gerry Condon via uark.onmicrosoft.com 

                                                                                                                                                                                                                   

‘John Mearsheimer and Dan Davis discuss US/NATO reaction to losing the war in Ukraine.”  Talk of more sanctions and "secondary sanctions" is just talk, as they cannot and will not work, says Mearsheimer.        https://youtu.be/zzSbFzmv1v4?si=wM_exUNSjD6XmNSw

 

Ted Snider.    “Why Is There Still No Peace in Ukraine? The Unusual Suspects.  ACURA (Sept. 12, 2025).
While on the campaign trail, Donald Trump promised he could end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours of being elected and before he even arrives in office. Peace has proven more difficult. Blame has frequently shifted from Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to Russian President Vladimir Putin and back. But as a settlement has become more and more elusive, blame has begun to fall on more unusual suspects.

[A fascinating look at the obstacles to peace from NATO to Russia but mainly within Ukraine, particularly the great power exerted by the ultranationalists.    –Dick]

 Ted Snider is a regular columnist on U.S. foreign policy and history at Antiwar.com and The Libertarian Institute. He is also a frequent contributor to Responsible Statecraft and The American Conservative as well as other outlets. To support his work or for media or virtual presentation requests, contact him at tedsnider@bell.net.   

Ted Galen Carpenter:   “Giving Ukraine a US Security Guarantee Risks National Suicide.”  ACURA (Aug 28, 2025). Too much of the talk about the recent Alaska summit meeting between President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin focuses on the wrong issue.  The key question is not whether an eventual peace accord ending the fighting in Ukraine will require Kyiv to accept Moscow’s continued possession of Crimea and at least a portion of Donbas.   Anyone with a modicum of realism understands that such territorial concessions are unavoidable if the bloody war of attrition is to end.  The real issue involves the demand of Ukraine and of its fan club in NATO that Kyiv be given “security guarantees” in exchange for accepting that reality.  Agreeing to such an open-ended commitment could ultimately prove fatal to the United States. . . .    Read in browser »

 

#36:   https://jamesrichardbennett.blogspot.com/2025/10/omni-ukraine-war-anthology-36-october.html

 

END UKRAINE WAR ANTHOLOGY #38