Tuesday, November 25, 2014

US WARS AND US MEDIA, Control of Information for Wars, Newsletter #3,

 

OMNI

US WARS AND US MEDIA, Control of Information for Wars, Newsletter #3, November 25, 2014,

Compiled by Dick Bennett.   (#1 Jan. 26, 2011; #2 August 1, 2012).

Here is the link to all OMNI newsletters:  http://www.omnicenter.org/newsletter-archive/   For a knowledge-based peace, justice, and ecology movement and an informed citizenry as the foundation for change.   Here is the link to the Index:  http://www.omnicenter.org/omni-newsletter-general-index/

     President Eisenhower warned future generations of the danger of a Corporate-Pentagon-Congressional (and he would add today:  White House, Corporate Media, Surveillance), National Security Complex.    This nexus of power dominates for all the obvious reasons; most people know it despite the service by the mainstream media to the State.  They know the Story told by this complex (the Patriotic Imperialism Story) are not true.  The invasion of Iraq?  Well, we knew the lies told by Bush, Cheney, Rice, Rumsfeld, Powell, Wolfowitz, and all those dominators:  we organized the largest world-wide protest in human history.    The invasion of our government?   The official Story is that We, the People of the world thrive by the extreme profits of a few.   But the people know about corporate lobbyists, revolving doors, Citizens United, McCutcheon—about money.  The invasion by extreme weather?    The Story was the same purveyed by the tobacco companies to delay urgently needed government regulation:  it was all a hoax, scientists disagreed, the evidence was not all in, companies want what is best for the country.   But the facts of warming and climate change were known to the consensus of scientists a decade ago despite the cover-up, and the reading and thinking public knew it, knew the facts too, knew the corporations were lying for profit, knew their leaders were failing their responsibility and accountability, . 

     In each case the Story by Power, by the Dominators, the Warriors vanquished the stories by the People.  Today, six corporations own most of our newspapers, TV stations, cable, and Internet companies.  They are part of the Power.  They determine whether we  never learn the full story.  They guide us to forget key facts.  If you control the process of information, you can shape the past and control the present and future.   

     Not forever, however; eventually the truth comes out, unfortunately after millions had been killed, treasures squandered, cities laid waste.  Until C02 increased vertically on the scale, warming became part of the 6th Great Extinction, and weather extremes demolished and burned across the planet.     Perhaps this time, some fear, the Dominator Story will destroy us all permanently. 

     So Omni has its newsletters.   It is small, yet it is large combined with the voices of the Peace-Justice-Ecology Complex.  Our stories contest the Story.  Not enough yet, of course.  But the People are billions now, and they are realizing it’s time to save the planet.

 

Contents of Numbers 1 and 2 are at end.

 

 

 

 

Contents of #3

Manning, Control of Information During US Invasion and Occupation
      of Iraq

Nobel Winners VS. NBC Commodifying War

David Swanson, Indoctrination in National Museum of American

   History

Norman Solomon, US Warfare State, the Pentagon, White House,

   Congress, Corporate Media Complex

 

 

 

NYT, SundayReview| OPINION

The Fog Machine of War, NYT (June 15, 2014)

Chelsea Manning on the U.S. Military and Media Freedom

FORT LEAVENWORTH, Kan. — WHEN I chose to disclose classified information in 2010, I did so out of a love for my country and a sense of duty to others. I’m now serving a sentence of 35 years in prison for these unauthorized disclosures. I understand that my actions violated the law.

However, the concerns that motivated me have not been resolved. As Iraq erupts in civil war and America again contemplates intervention, that unfinished business should give new urgency to the question of how the United States military controlled the media coverage of its long involvement there and in Afghanistan. I believe that the current limits on press freedom and excessive government secrecy make it impossible for Americans to grasp fully what is happening in the wars we finance.

If you were following the news during the March 2010 elections in Iraq, you might remember that the American press was flooded with stories declaring the elections a success, complete with upbeat anecdotes and photographs of Iraqi women proudly displaying their ink-stained fingers. The subtext was that United States military operations had succeeded in creating a stable and democratic Iraq.

Those of us stationed there were acutely aware of a more complicated reality.

Military and diplomatic reports coming across my desk detailed a brutal crackdown against political dissidents by the Iraqi Ministry of Interior and federal police, on behalf of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. Detainees were often tortured, or even killed.

Early that year, I received orders to investigate 15 individuals whom the federal police had arrested on suspicion of printing “anti-Iraqi literature.” I learned that these individuals had absolutely no ties to terrorism; they were publishing a scholarly critique of Mr. Maliki’s administration. I forwarded this finding to the officer in command in eastern Baghdad. He responded that he didn’t need this information; instead, I should assist the federal police in locating more “anti-Iraqi” print shops.

I was shocked by our military’s complicity in the corruption of that election. Yet these deeply troubling details flew under the American media’s radar.

It was not the first (or the last) time I felt compelled to question the way we conducted our mission in Iraq. We intelligence analysts, and the officers to whom we reported, had access to a comprehensive overview of the war that few others had. How could top-level decision makers say that the American public, or even Congress, supported the conflict when they didn’t have half the story?

Among the many daily reports I received via email while working in Iraq in 2009 and 2010 was an internal public affairs briefing that listed recently published news articles about the American mission in Iraq. One of my regular tasks was to provide, for the public affairs summary read by the command in eastern Baghdad, a single-sentence description of each issue covered, complementing our analysis with local intelligence.

The more I made these daily comparisons between the news back in the States and the military and diplomatic reports available to me as an analyst, the more aware I became of the disparity. In contrast to the solid, nuanced briefings we created on the ground, the news available to the public was flooded with foggy speculation and simplifications.

One clue to this disjunction lay in the public affairs reports. Near the top of each briefing was the number of embedded journalists attached to American military units in a combat zone. Throughout my deployment, I never saw that tally go above 12. In other words, in all of Iraq, which contained 31 million people and 117,000 United States troops, no more than a dozen American journalists were covering military operations.

The process of limiting press access to a conflict begins when a reporter applies for embed status. All reporters are carefully vetted by military public affairs officials. This system is far from unbiased. Unsurprisingly, reporters who have established relationships with the military are more likely to be granted access.

Less well known is that journalists whom military contractors rate as likely to produce “favorable” coverage, based on their past reporting, also get preference. This outsourced “favorability” rating assigned to each applicant is used to screen out those judged likely to produce critical coverage.

Reporters who succeeded in obtaining embed status in Iraq were then required to sign a media “ground rules” agreement. Army public affairs officials said this was to protect operational security, but it also allowed them to terminate a reporter’s embed without appeal.

There have been numerous cases of reporters’ having their access terminated following controversial reporting. In 2010, the late Rolling Stone reporter Michael Hastings had his access pulled after reporting criticism of the Obama administration by Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal and his staff in Afghanistan. A Pentagon spokesman said, “Embeds are a privilege, not a right.”

If a reporter’s embed status is terminated, typically she or he is blacklisted. This program of limiting press access was challenged in court in 2013 by a freelance reporter, Wayne Anderson, who claimed to have followed his agreement but to have been terminated after publishing adverse reports about the conflict in Afghanistan. The ruling on his case upheld the military’s position that there was no constitutionally protected right to be an embedded journalist.

The embedded reporter program, which continues in Afghanistan and wherever the United States sends troops, is deeply informed by the military’s experience of how media coverage shifted public opinion during the Vietnam War. The gatekeepers in public affairs have too much power: Reporters naturally fear having their access terminated, so they tend to avoid controversial reporting that could raise red flags.

The existing program forces journalists to compete against one another for “special access” to vital matters of foreign and domestic policy. Too often, this creates reporting that flatters senior decision makers. A result is that the American public’s access to the facts is gutted, which leaves them with no way to evaluate the conduct of American officials.

[REMEDIES –D]

Journalists have an important role to play in calling for reforms to the embedding system. The favorability of a journalist’s previous reporting should not be a factor. Transparency, guaranteed by a body not under the control of public affairs officials, should govern the credentialing process. An independent board made up of military staff members, veterans, Pentagon civilians and journalists could balance the public’s need for information with the military’s need for operational security.

Reporters should have timely access to information. The military could do far more to enable the rapid declassification of information that does not jeopardize military missions. The military’s Significant Activity Reports, for example, provide quick overviews of events like attacks and casualties. Often classified by default, these could help journalists report the facts accurately.

Opinion polls indicate that Americans’ confidence in their elected representatives is at a record low. Improving media access to this crucial aspect of our national life — where America has committed the men and women of its armed services — would be a powerful step toward re-establishing trust between voters and officials.

Chelsea Manning is a former United States Army intelligence analyst.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on June 15, 2014, on page SR4 of the New York edition with the headline: The Fog Machine of War. ||

 

 

Nobel laureates call for end to TV's 'Stars Earn Stripes'August 13, 2013  (Reuters) - Nine Nobel Peace laureates, including retired South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, on Monday called on television network NBC to cancel its "Stars Earn Stripes" reality show, calling it a bid to "sanitize war by likening it to an athletic competition."

The competition show, due to air for the first time on M onday evening, puts eight celebrities such as singer Nick Lachey and politician Sarah Palin's husband Todd, through military-style training, including helicopter drops and long-range weapons firing.

The celebrities are paired with former members of the U.S. Marines, Green Berets and other forces to compete for a cash prize that would go to a charity of their choice. Producers say the show, hosted by retired U.S. General Wesley Clark, will "pay homage to the men and women who serve in the U.S. armed forces."

In an open letter to NBC Entertainment Chairman Bob Greenblatt, the Nobel Prize winners said that "preparing for war is neither amusing nor entertaining."

"It is our belief that this program pays homage to no one anywhere and continues and expands on an inglorious tradition of glorifying war and armed violence.”

http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/nobel-laureates-call-for-end-to-tvs-stars-earn-stripes/

 

·      

YOU ARE HEREBlogs / davidswanson's blog / Teach the Children War

 

Talk Nation Radio

Teach the Children War By davidswanson - Posted on 20 March 2013  [Similar version in The Humanist (May-June 2013—Dick]

The National Museum of American History, and a billionaire who has funded a new exhibit there, would like you to know that we're going to need more wars if we want to have freedom.  Never mind that we seem to lose so many freedoms whenever we have wars.  Never mind that so many nations have created more freedoms than we enjoy and done so without wars.  In our case, war is the price of freedom.  Hence the new exhibit: "The Price of Freedom: Americans at War."

The exhibit opens with these words: "Americans have gone to war to win their independence, expand their national boundaries, define their freedoms, and defend their interests around the globe."  Those foolish, foolish Canadians: why, oh, why did they win their independence without a war?  Think of all the people they might have killed!  The exhibit is surprisingly, if minimally, honest about imperialism, at least in the early wars.  The aim of conquering Canada is included, along with bogus excuses, as one of the motivations for the War of 1812. 

The most outrageous part of the opening lines of the exhibition, however, may be the second half: ". . . define their freedoms, and defend their interests around the globe."  The exhibition, to the extent that I've surveyed it online, provides absolutely no indication of what in the world can be meant by a war being launched in order to "define our freedoms."  And, needless to say, it is the U.S. government, not "Americans," that imagines it has "interests around the globe" that can and should be "defended" by launching wars.

The exhibit is an extravaganza of lies and deceptions.  The U.S. Civil War is presented as "America's bloodiest conflict."  Really?  Because Filipinos don't bleed?  Vietnamese don't bleed?  Iraqis don't bleed?  We should not imagine that our children don't learn exactly that lesson.  The Spanish American War is presented as an effort to "free Cuba," and so forth.  But overwhelmingly the lying is done in this exhibit by omission.  Bad past excuses for wars are ignored, the death and destruction is ignored or falsely reduced.  Wars that are too recent for many of us to swallow too much B.S. about are quickly passed over.

The exhibit helpfully provides a teacher's manual (PDF), and its entire coverage of the past 12 years of warmaking (which has involved the killing of some 1.4 million people in Iraq alone) consists of the events of 9/11/2001, beginning with this:

"September 11 was a modern-day tragedy of immense proportions. The devastating attacks by al Qaeda terrorists inside the United States killed some 3,000 people and sparked an American-led war on terrorism. The repercussions of that day will impact domestic and international political decisions for many years to come.  At 8:46 a.m. on September 11, 2001, a passenger jet flew into the north tower of the World Trade Center in New York. Fire and rescue crews rushed to the scene. As live TV coverage began, horrified viewers watched as a second plane slammed into the south tower at 9:03 a.m. Thirty-five minutes later a third airliner crashed into the Pentagon.  Another jet bound for Washington, D.C., crashed in Pennsylvania after its passengers challenged the hijackers. The nation reeled. But Americans resolved to fight back, inspired by the words of a passenger who helped foil the last attack: 'Are you guys ready? Let’s roll.'"

[Resistance to pro-war indoctrination.  –Dick]   If you talk to non-sociopathic teachers, you discover that the sort of "teaching" engaged in by our museums has a horrible impact on students' understanding.  A new book called Teaching About the Wars is a great place to start.  It's written by teachers who try to present their students with a more complete and honest understanding of war than what's expected by common text books, many of which are far worse than the museum exhibit described above.  These teachers / authors argue that when a teacher pretends to have no point of view, he or she teaches their students moral apathy.  Pretending not to care about the world teaches children not to care about the world.  Teachers should have a point of view but teach more than one, teach critical thinking and analysis, teach skepticism, and teach respect for the opinions of others.

Students should not be taught, these teachers suggest, to reject all public claims as falsehoods and the truth as absolutely unknowable.  Rather, they should be taught to critically evaluate claims and develop informed opinions.  Jessica Klonsky writes:

"One of the most successful media-related lessons involved an exercise comparing two media viewpoints.  First I showed the first 20 minutes of Control Room, a documentary about Al Jazeera, the international Arabic-language television network headquartered in Doha, Qatar.  Students were shocked by the dead bodies and destruction shown on Al Jazeera.  For many it was the first time they realized that it wasn't just soldiers who died in war."

[Civilian deaths.  –Dick]   U.S. soldiers were 0.3% of the dead in the 2003-2011 war on Iraq.  These students had been unaware of the other 99.7% of the dead.  Learning what war really looks like is perhaps the most important lesson missing from our usual education system. 

Another important lesson is who engages in war and why.  Bill Bigelow presents a model lesson through which teachers can present students with true situations, but with the names of the nations changed.  They can discuss what the nations ought to have done, before learning that one of the nations was their own, and before learning what it actually did.  Then they can discuss that reality.  Bigelow also begins his teaching about the "war on terrorism" by asking students to work on defining "terrorism" (and not by attacking each other, which is presumably how the National Museum of American History would recommend "defining" such a term).

One teacher ends such a lesson by asking "What difference do you think it would make if students all over the country were having the discussion we're having today?"  Clearly, that question moves students toward becoming potential teachers wanting to share their knowledge to a far greater extent than, say, teaching them the dates of battles and suggesting they try to impress others with their memorization. 

[Pentagon-corporate pro-war indoctrination.  –Dick]   Can good teaching compete with the Lockheed Martin-sponsored Air and Space Museum, the U.S. Army's video games, Argo, Zero Dark 30, the slick lies of the recruiters, the Vietnam Commemoration Project, the flag waving of the television networks, the fascistic pledges of allegiance every morning, and the lack of good alternative life prospects?  Sometime, yes.  And more often the more it spreads and the better it is done. 

One chapter in Teaching About the Wars describes a project that connects students in the United States with students in Western Asia via live video discussions.  That experience should be required in any young person's education.  I guarantee you that our government employs drone "pilots" to connect with foreign countries via live video in a more destructive manner who never spoke with foreign children when they were growing up.

David Swanson's books include War Is A Lie and When the World Outlawed War.

·       davidswanson's blog

 

 

 

Made Love, Got War: Close Encounters with America's Warfare State by Norman Solomon  (Author), Daniel Ellsberg (Foreword).  2007.

 

Blending personal history and social commentary, Made Love, Got War documents five decades of rising American militarism and the media’s all-too-frequent failure to challenge it. The author’s unique weave of personal narrative and historical inquiry, Daniel Ellsberg notes in the foreword, “helps us understand where we are now and how we got here.”

Drawing on 40 years of intense activism, Solomon shows how the mainstream media have shaped our view of war, technology, and national purpose. In the process, he also shows why he is considered “one of the sharpest media-watchers in the business” (Barbara Ehrenreich) and “a formidable thinker and activist” (Los Angeles Times).

 

 

 

Contents of War and Control of Information #1: 

Pilger on Media Deception by Mainstream Media

Z Magazine Example of Alternative Media Truth-Telling

Graphic Images Effective

Books on US Wars and Media Control

  Limits of Dissent

  Manufacturing Consent

  Selling War

  Ruses for War

  Spinning War (made easy)

 

Contents of War and Control of Information #2

NBC: War-o-tainment

Extra!

Reporting Vietnam and Afghan Wars

NYT for Iraq Invasion

Martha Raddatz Reports the US Side

Jenkins, Selecting from the Bible

James Richard [Dick] Bennett, Control of Information and Control of the Media

 

 

 

 

END WARS AND INFO CONTROL, INDOCTRINATION FOR WAR #3

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